I
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
VOLUME IX
E
e
THE WRITINGS
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
COLLECTED AND EDITED
WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION
BY
ALBERT HENRY SMYTH
VOLUME IX
1783-1788
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
1906
All rights rtstrotd
l-l
COPYRIGHT, 1906,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1906.
1 \
Nortoooti
J. 8. Cashing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
CONTENTS
VOLUME IX
NO. PACE
1384. To Gaetano Filangieri. January 11, 1783 I
1385. To Richard Oswald. January 14, 1783 .... 3
1386. To Comte de Vergennes. January 1 8, 1783 ... 8
1387. To John Adams. January 19, 1783 8
1388. To Robert R. Livingston. January 21, 1783 ... 9
1389. To Comte de Vergennes. January 25, 1783 . . .10
1390. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. January 27, 1783 . . .11
1391. To John Sargent. January 27, 1783 .... 13
1392. To Charles W. F. Dumas. February 17, 1783 . . 15
1393. To John Coakley Lettsom. March 6, 1783 ... 15
1394. To Robert Morris. March 7, 1783 17
1395. To Robert R. Livingston. March 7, 1783 . . .18
1396. To Comte de Vergennes. March 9, 1783 . . . .18
1397. To Comte de Vergennes. March 16, 1783 . . .19
1398. To the Earl of Buchan. March 17, 1783 .... 20
1399. To Jonathan Shipley. March 17, 1783 .... 22
1400. To Sir William Jones. March 17, 1783 .... 24
1401. To John Dickinson. March 23, 1783 .... 25
1402. To David Hartley. March 23, 1783 26
1403. To Comte de Vergennes. March 24, 1783 ... 27
1404. To Emmanuel de Rohan. April 6, 1783 .... 28
1405. To M. Rosencrone. April 15, 1783 ..... 29
1406. To Robert R. Livingston. April 15, 1783 ... 30
1407. Introduction of Professor Marter. April 22, 1783 . . 35
1408. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. April 26, 1783 .... 36
1409. To Robert R. Livingston. April 27, 1783 ... 37
1410. To Comte de Vergennes. May 4, 1783 .... 37
1411. To Comte de Vergennes. May 5, 1783 .... 38
1412. To Comte de Vergennes. May 5, 1783 .... 39
1413. To David Hartley. May 8, 1783 40
1414. To Jan Ingenhousz. May 16, 1783 41
vi CONTENTS
PAGE
14°! 5. Recommendation of a Galley Slave. May 22, 1783 • • 46
1416. To Comte de Vergennes. May 23, 1783 . ... 47
1417. To Comte de Vergennes. June 3, 1783 • • • 47
1418. To Philippe-Denis Pierres. June 10, 1783 . 47
1419. To Robert R. Livingston. June 12, 1783 ... 49
1420. To Prince des Deuxponts. June 14, 1783 . . 5°
1421. On the Shock by the Electric Bottle, and the Density of
Glass. June 14, 1783 52
1422. To Baron de Steel. June 16, 1783 53
1423. To Captain Nathaniel Falconer. June 1 8, 1783 . . 54
1424. To Comte de Vergennes. July 4> 1783 57
1425. To Henry Laurens. July 6, 1783 . . . 58
1426. To Robert R. Livingston. July 22, 1783 . . 59
1427. To Comte de Vergennes. July 24, 1783 .... 73
1428. To Sir Joseph Banks. July 27, 1783 73
1429. Note by Benjamin Franklin upon a letter addressed to him
by Thomas Barclay, July 28, 1783 75
1430. To Captain Nathaniel Falconer. July 28, 1783 . . 77
1431. To Comte de Vergennes. August 1 6, 1783 ... 78
1432. To Henry Laurens. August 21, 1783 . „ . . 78
1433. To Sir Joseph Banks. August 30, 1783 .... 79
1434. To Elias Boudinot. August 31, 1783 .... 86
1435. To Charles J. Fox. September 5, 1783 . . . .86
1436. To David Hartley. September 6, 1783 .... 87
1437. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. September 7, 1783 ... 89
1438. To John Jay. September 10, 1783 91
1439. To Josiah Quincy. September n, 1783 93
1440. To Elias Boudinot. September 13, 1783 .... 96
1441. To Richard Price. September 1 6, 1783 .... 99
1442. To Elias Boudinot. September 27, 1783 . . . . 101
1443. From Maximilien-Marie-Isidore Robespierre to Benjamin
Franklin. October i, 1783 101
1444. To Sir Edward Newenham. October 2, 1783 . . .102
1445. To Thomas Brand Hollis. October 5, 1783 . . . 103
1446. To Sir Joseph Banks. October 8, 1783 . . . .105
1447- To David Hartley. October 1 6, 1783 . . . . 107
1448. To Edward Nairne. October 1 8, 1783 . . . .108
1449. To David Hartley. October 22, 1783 . . . .109
1450. To Elias Boudinot. November i, 1783 . . . . 110
1451. To Sir Joseph Banks. November 21, 1783 . . .113
CONTENTS vii
HO. PACK
1452. To Sir Joseph Banks. December i, 1783 . . .119
1453. To Henry Laurens. December 6, 1783 . . . .122
1454. To Comte de Vergennes. December 6, 1783 . . . 124
1455. To William Hodgson. December 10, 1783 . . . 124
1456. To Sir Joseph Banks. December 15, 1783 . . . 125
1457. To Comte de Vergennes. December 15, 1783 . . -125
1458. To William Carmichael. December 15, 1783 . . . 126
1459. To Giacomo Francesco Crocco. December 15, 1783 . 128
1460. To Thomas Mifflin. December 25, 1783 . . . .129
1461. To Robert Morris. December 25, 1783 . . . .135
1462. To Ebenezer Hazard. December 26, 1783 . . . 140
1463. To Thomas Mifflin. December 26, 1783 .... 140
1464. To Thomas Mifflin. December 26, 1783 .... 143
1465. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. December 26, 1783 . . .143
1466. To Samuel Cooper. December 26, 1783 . . . .144
1467. To Elias Boudinot. December 26, 1 783 . . . .146
1468. To Michel-Guillaume-Jean de Crevecoeur. 1783 . . 147
1469. On Immigration. (To an Unknown Correspondent.) 1783 149
1470. To John Jay. January 6, 1784 150
1471. To Samuel Chase. January 6, 1784 152
1472. To David Hartley. January 7, 1784 . . . .154
1473. To Jan Ingenhousz. January 1 6, 1784 . . . . 155
1474. To Comte de Vergennes. January 17, 1784 . . . 157
1475. To Mrs. Georgiana Hare-Naylor. January 25, 1784 . . 159
1476. To Mrs. Sarah Bache. January 26, 1784 . . . . 161
1477. To Charles W. F. Dumas. February i, 1784 . . . 168
1478. To Henry Laurens. February 12, 1784 .... 169
1479. To William Strahan. February 1 6, 1784 . . . -171
1480. To Jean Baptiste Le Roy. February 25, 1784 . . .173
1481. To Comte de Vergennes. February 26, 1784 . . . 173
1482. To John Paul Jones. March 4, 1784 .... 174
1483. To Benjamin Vaughan. March 5, 1784 .... 174
1484. To Comte de Vergennes. March 5, 1784. . . . 176
1485. To Charles Thomson. March 9, 1784 . . . .176
1486. To Henry Laurens. March 12, 1784 .... 178
1487. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. March 19, 1784 . . . .181
1488. To La Sabliere de la Condamine. March 19, 1784 . . 181
1489. To M. Mazue. March 19, 1784 183
1490. An Economical Project. March 20, 1784 . . . .183
1491. To John Paul Jones. March 25, 1784 .... 189
VIII
NO.
CONTENTS
1492. To John Adams. March 31, 1784 ..... 19°
1493. To Charles Thomson. March 31, 1784 . . . .190
1494. To Madame Brillon. March 31, 1784 . . . .191
1495. To Charles Thomson. April 16, 1784 . . . .191
1496. To John Walter. April 17, 1784 193
1497. To David Hartley. April 17, 1784 . . . . .196
1498. To Benjamin Webb. April 22, 1784 . . . . 197
1499. To Henry Laurens. April 29, 1784 198
1500. To Benjamin Vaughan. April 29, 1784 . . . . 199
1501. A Letter from China. May 5, 1784 200
1502. To Samuel Mather. May 12, 1784 208
1503. To Thomas Mifflin. May 12, 1784 210
1504. To Henry Laurens. May 13, 1784 211
1505. To Charles Thomson. May 13, 1784 . . . .212
1506. To Mr. and Mrs. Jay. May 13, 1784 .... 214
1507. To Comte de Vergennes. May 31, 1784 .... 215
1508. Meteorological Imaginations and Conjectures. May, 1784 215
1509. To David Hartley. June 2, 1784 219
1510. To Conde de Campomanes. June 5, 1784 . . . 221
1511. To Charles Thomson. June 14, 1784 .... 224
1512. To Thomas Mifflin. June 1 6, 1784 225
1513. Loose Thoughts on a Universal Fluid. June 25, 1784 . 227
1514. Of the Paper Money of the United States of America.
July 3, 1784 231
1515. To Thomas Percival. July 17, 1784 . . . . 236
1516. To Mason Weems and Edward Gant. July 18, 1784 . 238
1517. To Benjamin Vaughan. July 26, 1784 .... 240
1518. To Comte de Mercy Argenteau. July 30, 1784 . . 248
1519. To Messrs. Sears and Smith. August 4, 1784 . . .249
1520. To John Adams. August 6, 1784 250
1521. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. August 15, 1784 . . .251
1522. To William Franklin. August 16, 1784 . . . .252
1523. To Richard Price. August 1 6, 1784 254
1524. To Benjamin West. August 17, 1784 . . . .257
1525. To Lord Howe. August 18, 1784 258
1526. To William Strahan. August 19, 1784 . . . .259
1527. To George Whatley. August 21, 1784 . . . .264
1528. To Joseph Priestley. August 21, 1784 . . . .266
1529. To William Temple Franklin. August 25, 1784 . . 268
1530. To Comte de Vergennes. September 3, 1784 ... 269
CONTENTS ix.
NO. PACK
1531. To Benjamin Vaughan. September 7, 1784 . . . 269
1532. To William Temple Franklin. September 8, 1784 . . 270
1533. To an Unknown Correspondent. September 12, 1784 . 272
1534. To William Temple Franklin. September 13, 1784 . . 272
1535. To William Temple Franklin. October 2, 1784 . . 274
1536. To William Carmichael. October u, 1784 . . . 274
1537. To Charles Thomson. October 16, 1784 .... 276
1538. To William Temple Franklin. October 18, 1784 . . 277
1539. To Charles Thomson. November n, 1784 . . . 278
1540. To Richard Bache. November u, 1784 . . . .278
1541. To Messrs. Wital and Pauche. November 15, 1784 . 279
1542. To Dr. Brav. November 22, 1784 280
1543. To Thomas Jefferson. November 23, 1784 . . .281
1544. To ? 1784 282
1545. To Samuel Jackson Pratt. 1784 283
1546. To David Hartley. January 3, 1785 .... 284
1547. To Richard Price. February I, 1785 . . . .286
1548. To John Jay. February 8, 1785 287
1549. To Richard Henry Lee. February 8, 1785 . . . 289
1550. To Comte de Windisch-Gratz. February 22, 1785 . . 290
1551. To William Strahan. March 5, 1785 . . . .290
1552. To Benjamin Vaughan. [On the Criminal Laws and the
Practice of Privateering.] March 14, 1785 . . . 291
1553. To Richard Price. March 18, 1785 300
1554. To William Carmichael. March 22, 1785 . . . . 301
1555. To Richard Henry Lee. April 12, 1785 . . . .302
1556. To Jonathan Williams. April 13, 1785 .... 303
1557. To Benjamin Vaughan. April 21, 1785 .... 304
1558. To Antoine-Alexis-Francois Cadet de Vaux. April 28, 1785 307
1559. To Jan Ingenhousz. April 29, 1785 307
1560. To Comte de Vergennes. May 3, 1785 .... 321
1561. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. May 5, 1785 . . . .322
1562. To Jonathan Williams. May 5, 1785 .... 324
1563. To John Jay. May 10, 1785 325
1564. To Charles Thomson. May 10, 1785 . . . .326
1565. To Mr. and Mrs. Richard Bache. May 10, 1785 . . 327
1566. To Marshal de Castries. May 1 6, 1785 . . . .328
1567. To Jonathan Williams. May 19, 1785 .... 329
1568. To Caleb Whitefoord. May 19, 1785 . . . . 330
1569. To George Whatley. May 19, 1785 331
CONTENTS
1570. To George Whatley. May 23, 1785 33*
1571. To Christopher Wyvill. June 1 6, 1785 • 339
1572. On the Elective Franchises enjoyed by the Small Boroughs
in England. June 16, 1785 34o
1573. To Thomas Barclay. June 19, 1785 . • • -343
1574. To . June 20, 1785 345
1575. To Jean-Jacques Caffieri. June 20, 1785 . . . • 346
1576. To Francis Maseres. June 26, 1785 .... 347
1577. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. June 26, 1785 . . . • 351
1578. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. July 4, 1785 • • • • 352
1579. To Edward Bridgen. July 4, 1785 353
1580. To Claudius Crigan. July 5, 1785 353
1581. To Granville Sharp. July 5, 1785 357
1582. To David Hartley. July 5, 1785 359
1583. To Jonathan Williams. July 5, 1785 . . . .36°
1584. To Comte de Salmes. July 5, 1785 36°
1585. To John Paul Jones. July 9, 1785 362
1586. To Charles-Joseph Mathon de la Cour. July 9, 1785 . 362
1587. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. July 13, 1785 . . . . 363
1588. To Madame Helvdtius. July 19, 1785 . . . . 364
1589. To Benjamin Vaughan. July 24, 1785 . . . 365
1590. To Ruellan & Co. July 25, 1785 366
1591. To Jean Holker. July 25, 1785 367
1592. To Ferdinand Grand. July 25, 1785 . . . .368
1593. To Andre* Limozin. July 25, 1785 370
1594. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. July 26, 1785 .... 370
1595. To J. Coakley Lettsom. July 26, 1785 . . . .371
1596. To Madame Helve'tius. July 27, 1785 . . . 372
1597. To David Le Roy [Maritime Observations] . August, 1785 372
1598. To Jan Ingenhousz [On the Causes and Cure of Smoky
Chimneys]. August 28, 1785 ..... 413
1599. Description of a new Stove for burning of Pitcoal, and
consuming all its Smoke. August, 1785 . . . 443
1600. To John Jay. September 19, 1785 463
1601. To George Washington. September 20, 1785 . . . 464
1602. To Governor William Greene and Mrs. Greene. Septem-
ber 20, 1785 465
1603. To John Jay and Mrs. Jay. September 21, 1785 . . 466
1604. To Thomas Paine. September 27, 1785 . . . .467
1605. To Francis Childs. October I, 1785 . . . .468
CONTENTS xi
NO. PACK
1606. To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont. October 20, 1785 . 469
1607. To Madame Helve'tius. October 20, 1 785 . . . 470
1608. To Ferdinand Grand. October 20, 1785 .... 471
1609. To David Hartley. October 27, 1785 .... 472
1610. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. October 30, 1785 . . . 473
1611. To Samuel Elbert. November 5, 1785 .... 474
1612. To Messrs. Sears and Smith. November 14, 1785 . . 475
1613. To John Bard and Mrs. Bard. November 14, 1785 . . 476
1614. To Charles-Joseph Mathon dela Cour. November 18, 1785 476
1615. To George Clinton. January I, 1786 .... 477
1616. To James Bowdoin. January I, 1786 .... 478
1617. To Jonathan Williams. January 19, 1786 . . . 480
1618. To Jonathan Williams. January 27, 1786 . . . 481
1619. To Ferdinand Grand. January 29, 1786 .... 482
1620. Description of an Instrument for taking down Books from
high Shelves. January, 1786 ..... 483
1621. To Jonathan Williams. February 12, 1786 . . . 486
1622. To Jonathan Williams. February 16, 1786 . . . 487
1623. To Jonathan Shipley. February 24, 1786 . . .488
1624. To Ferdinand Grand. March 5, 1786 .... 492
1625. To Benjamin Rush. March n (?), 1786 .... 494
1626. To M. Le Veillard. March 16, 1786 .... 495
1627. To Ferdinand Grand. March 20, 1786 .... 497
1628. To Thomas Jefferson. March 20, 1786 .... 499
1629. To Daniel Roberdeau. March 23, 1786 .... 500
1630. To Jean-Baptiste Le Roy. March 27, 1786 . . . 501
1631. To Abbe* de la Roche. April, 1786 502
1632. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. April 8, 1786 . . . .506
1633. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. April 25, 1786 .... 508
1634. To Andrew Strahan. May 6, 1786 509
1635. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. May 6, 1786 .... 510
1636. To Mrs. Mary Hewson. May 30, 1786 .... 513
1637. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. June 3, 1786 . . . .514
1638. To John Franklin, William Hooker Smith, and John
Jenkins, in Council. June u, 1786 . . . 515
1639. To Charles Thomson. June 18, 1786 . . . -517
1640. To Noah Webster. June 1 8, 1786 518
1641. To Jan Ingenhousz. June 27, 1786 519
1642. To . July 3, 1786 (?) 520
1643. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. July 4, 1786 522
xii CONTENTS
PAGE
1644. To Charles Thomson. July 6, 1786 523
1645. To John Jay. July 6, 1786 525
1646. To Dr. Arthaud. July 9, 1786 526
1647. To Noah Webster. July 9, 1786 527
1648. To Ferdinand Grand. July n, 1786 . . • - 527
1649. To Joseph Priestley. July 29, 1786 528
1650. To Richard Price. July 29, 1786 529
1651. To Benjamin Vaughan. July 31, 1786 . . . -53°
1652. To Mathew Carey. August 10, 1786 . . . . 533
1653. To William Cocke. August 12, 1786 . . . -534
1654. To Jean-Baptiste Le Roy. August 15, 1786 . . . 535
1655. To Ferdinand Grand. August 15, 1786 .... 536
1656. To John Jay. August 24, 1786 . 537
1657. On Thermometers. September 13, 1786 . . . . 538
1658. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. September 21, 1786 . . . 539
1659. To Mile. Le Ray de Chaumont. October 7, 1786 . . 541
1660. To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont. October 7, 1786 . 542
1661. To Charles Pettit. October 10, 1786 . . . -543
1662. To Charles Biddle. November 2, 1786 . . . . 545
1663. To Abb£ de la Roche. November 20, 1786 . . 546
1664. To William Hunter. November 24, 1786 . . . . 547
1665. To Thomas Wight, Jr. November 25, 1786 . . . 549
1666. To . November 25, 1786 549
1667. To Edward Bancroft. November 26, 1786 . . . 550
1668. To Captain Thomas de Ugarta Y Lianes. December 16,
1786 551
1669. To Captain Nathaniel Falconer. December 16, 1786 . 552
1670. To Charles Thomson. January 25, 1787 .... 553
1671. To Alexander Small. February 19, 1787 . . . . 555
1672. To Nevil Maskelyne. March 29, 1787 . . . -557
1673. To M. le Veillard. April 15, 1787 558
1674. To the Due de la Rochefoucauld. April 15, 1787 . -563
1675. TO Comte d'Estaing. April 15, 1787 . . . .566
1676. To the Marquis de Chastellux. April 17, 1787 . . . 567
1677. To Messrs, the Abbe's Chalut and Arnaud. April 17, 1787 569
1678. To the Marquis de Lafayette. April 17, 1787 . . . 569
1679. To Jean-Baptiste Le Roy. April 1 8, 1787 . . .572
1680. To Thomas Jefferson. April 19, 1787 . . . -573
1681. To Ferdinand Grand. April 22, 1787 . . . -575
1682. To Abb£ Morellet. April 22, 1787 577
CONTENTS xiii
NO. PAGE
1683. To Francis Childs. May 8, 1787 !. ... 580
1684. To Thomas Jordan. May 1 8, 1787 582
1685. To William Herschell. May 1 8, 1787 . . . . 584
1686. To John Adams. May 18, 1787 585
1687. To Richard Price. May 1 8, 1787 585
1688. To George Whatley. May 1 8, 1787 587
1689. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. May 30, 1787 .... 589
1690. Speech in the Convention; On the Subject of Salaries.
June 2, 1787 . . . 590
1691. Speech in a Committee of the Convention; On the Pro-
portion of Representation and Votes. June n, 1787 . 595
1692. Motion for Prayers in the Convention. June 28, 1787 . 600
1693. Proposal for Consideration in the Convention for forming
the Constitution of the United States. June 30, 1787 . 602
1694. To John Paul Jones. July 22, 1787 604
1695. To Caleb Whitefoord. July 27, 1787 .... 605
1696. To S. Osgood and A. Lee. August 31, 1787 . . .606
1697. Speech in the Convention, at the Conclusion of its Delib-
erations. September 17, 1787 607
1698. To Arthur St. Clair and other Delegates in Congress.
September 20, 1787 609
1699. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. September 20, 1787 . . .612
1700. To Alexander Small. September 28, 1787 . . . 614
1701. To Professor Landriani. October 14, 1787 . . .617
1702. To Gaetano Filangieri. October 14, 1787 . . . 618
1703. To Ferdinand Grand. October 22, 1787 .... 619
1704. To Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont. October 22, 1787 . 620
1705. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. November 4, 1787 . . . 620
1706. To Comte de Buffon. November 19, 1787 . . . 622
1707. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. December n, 1787 . . .623
1708. To . December 15, 1787 624
1709. To Samuel Elbert. December 16, 1787 . . . .625
1710. To the Printer of the Evening Herald. 1787 (?) . . 627
1711. On sending Felons to America. 1787 (?) . . . 628
1712. To John Ross. January 21, 1788 630
I7I3« To Samuel Osgood and Walter Livingston. January 31, 1788 631
1714. To Count de Moustiers. February 10, 1788 . . 632
1715. To Jan Ingenhousz. February u, 1788 . . . .633
1716. To Michel-Guillaume-Jean de Crevecoeur. February 16,
1788 636
xiv CONTENTS
PAGB
1717. To M. Le Veillard. February 17, 1788 .... 636
1718. To the Editors of the Pennsylvania Gazette. [On the
Abuse of the Press.] March 30, 1788 .... 639
1719. To Mrs. Collas. April 12, 1788 642
1720. To Madame Brillon. April 19, 1788 .... 643
1721. To M. Le Veillard. April 22, 1788 645
1722. To Madame Helv^tius. April 23, 1788 .... 646
1723. To Joseph-Ignace Guillotin. j May 4, 1788 . . .648
1724. To the Princess Dashkow. May 7,1788. . . . 649
1725. To Rev. John Lathrop. May 31, 1788 . . . .649
1726. To James Bowdoin. May 31, 1788 652
1727. To Mather Byles. June i, 1788 655
1728. To M. Le Veillard. June 8, 1788 657
1729. To Dupont de Nemours. June 9, 1788 . . . .658
1730. To Mathew Carey. June 10, 1788 660
1731. To John Jay. June 27, 1788 662
1732. To George Clinton. July 10, 1788 663
1733. To Benjamin Chambers, and the other Gentlemen of Cham-
bersburgh. September 20, 1788 664
1734. To the Due de la Rochefoucauld. October 22, 1788 . 665
1735. To Miss Flainville. October 23, 1788 . . . .667
1736. To Madame Lavoisier. October 23, 1788 . . . 667
1737. To Joseph-Ignace Guillotin. October 23, 1788 . . 669
1738. To Jan Ingenhousz. October 24, 1788 .... 670
1739. To Dupont de Nemours. October 24, 1788 . . .671
1740. To M. Le Veillard. October 24, 1788 . . . 673
1741. To Benjamin Vaughan. October 24, 1788 . . . 675
1742. To Ferdinand Grand. October 24, 1788 .... 677
1743. To Madame Helve'tius. October 25, 1788 . . . 678
1744. To Jean-Baptiste Le Roy. October 25, 1788 . . . 679
1745. To Don Diego Gardoqui. October 26, 1788 . . . 679
1746. To Joseph Elam. November 10, 1788 . . . .680
1747. To the Due de la Rochefoucauld. November 13, 1788 . 68 1
1748. To Francis Childs. November 19, 1788 . . . . 682
1749. To Mrs. Elizabeth Partridge. November 25, 1788 . . 682
1750. To Mrs. Jane Mecom. November 26, 1788 . . . 684
1751- To Cyrus Griffin. November 29, 1788 . . . .686
1752. To William Vaughan. December 9, 1788 . . . 688
1753- To Abbe' Morellet. December 10, 1788 .... 690
1754. To Charles Thomson. December 29, 1788 . . .691
CONTENTS
1755. To the Editor of the Federal Gazette : A Comparison of the
Conduct of the Ancient Jews and of the Anti-Federalists
in the United States of America. 1788. . . .698
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. P. S American Philosophical Society.
B. M British Museum.
B. N Bibliotheque Nationale.
D. S. W. . Department of State, Washington.
H Harvard University.
L. C Library of Congress.
L. L Lenox Library.
Lans Lansdowne House.
M. H. S Massachusetts Historical Society.
P. C Private Collection.
P. H. S Pennsylvania Historical Society.
P. R. O Public Record Office.
P. R. O. A. W. I Public Record Office : America and
West Indies.
P. A. E. E. U Paris Departement des Affaires
Etrangeres, — Etats-Unis.
U. of P University of Pennsylvania.
Y Yale University.
B Bigelow.
F Benjamin Franklin.
S Sparks.
V Benjamin Vaughan.
W. T. F W. T. Franklin.
Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of
every letter that he wrote ; he then made a clean copy to send away, and
often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the state of the docu-
ment, the following abbreviations are used: d. = draft, trans. = transcript,
1. p. = letter-press copy.
1384. TO GAETANO FILANGIERI l (p. c.)
Passy, January 11, 1783
The letter you did me the honour of writing to me in August
last came to my hands when I lay ill of two painful disorders,
which confined me near three months, and with the mul-
tiplicity of business that followed obliged me to postpone
much of my correspondence. I have yesterday received a
second letter from you, and I now, without further delay, sit
down to answer them both.
The two first volumes of your excellent work, which were
put into my hands by M. Pio,2 1 perused with great pleasure.
They are also much esteemed by some very judicious persons
to whom I have lent them. I should have been glad of another
copy for one of those friends, who is very desirous of pro-
curing it; but I suppose those you mention to have sent to
M. Pio did not arrive. I was glad to learn that you were
proceeding to consider the criminal laws, None have more
need of reformation. They are everywhere in so great dis-
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin " (1817), Vol. I,
p. 121.
Gaetano Filangieri (1752-1788), an eminent Italian publicist. The
" excellent work " referred to above was " Scienza della Legislazione." The
first two volumes were published in Naples in 1 780. They made a great sen-
sation, and gave Filangieri at once the foremost place among the publicists of
Europe. The above letter was, in 1873, in the possession of Prince de Filan-
gieri Satriano, a grandson of Gaetano Filangieri. — ED.
2 Charge d' Affaires of the court of Naples. — ED.
VOL. ix — B i
2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
order, and so much injustice is committed in the execution of
them, that I have been sometimes inclined to imagine less
would exist in the world if there were no such laws, and
the punishment of injuries were left to private resentment.
I am glad, therefore, that you have not suffered yourself to be
discouraged by any objections or apprehensions, and that we
may soon expect the satisfaction of seeing the two volumes
on that subject which you have now under the press.1
With regard to your project of removing to America, though
I am sure that a person of your knowledge, just sentiments,
and useful talents would be a valuable acquisition for our
country, I cannot encourage you to undertake hastily such a
voyage ; because for a man to expatriate himself is a serious
business, and should be well considered, especially where the
distance is so great and the expense of removing thither with
a family, of returning if the country should not suit you, will
be so heavy. I have no orders or authority of any kind to
encourage strangers with expectations of employment by our
government, nor am I empowered to be at any expense in
transporting them ; though our country is open, and strangers
may establish themselves there, where they soon become
citizens and are respected according to their conduct. Men
know, because they feel, the inconveniences of their present
situation; but they do not know those that may, if they
change, attend the new one. I wish, therefore, you could see
that country by yourself before you carry thither the lady
with whom you propose to be united in marriage.2 You will
then be able to form a good judgment how far the removal
1 They were published in 1783. — ED.
2 In 1783 Filangieri married Caroline de Frendel, governess of the infanta,
the second daughter of the King of Naples. — ED.
1783] TO RICHARD OSWALD 3
is likely to be advantageous, and may proceed on surer
grounds. England has now acknowledged our indepen-
dence, and the sovereignty of our government ; and several
states of Europe who think a commerce with us may be
beneficial to them are preparing to send ministers to reside
near the Congress. It is possible to establish a profitable
trade between the kingdom of Naples and America. Should
your court be of that opinion, and think fit to employ some
one to visit our several States and take information of our
productions and wants, the nature of our commerce, etc., etc.,
perhaps it could not find a fitter person than yourself for
such a mission. I would afford you all the assistance in my
power towards its due execution, and by this means your
voyage would not only be without expense to you, but might
afford you some profit.
1385. TO RICHARD OSWALD (LANS.)
Passy, January 14, 1783.
SIR,
I am much obliged by your Information of your intended
Trip to England. I heartily wish you a good Journey and a
speedy Return, and request your kind Care of a Packet for
Mr. Hodgson.
I inclose two Papers, that were read at different times
by me to the Commissioners ; they may serve to show, if you
should have occasion, what was urged on the Part of Amer-
ica on certain Points ; or may help to refresh your Memory.
I send you also another Paper, which I once read to you
separately. It contains a Proposition for improving the Law
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
of Nations, by prohibiting the Plundering of unarmed and
usefully employed People. I rather wish than expect, that it
will be adopted. But I think it may be offered with a better
Grace by a Country, that is likely to suffer least and gain most
by continuing the ancient Practice; which is our Case, as
the American Ships, laden only with the gross Productions
of the Earth, cannot be so valuable as yours, filled with Sug-
ars or with Manufactures. It has not yet been considered
by my Colleagues, but if you should think or find that it
might be acceptable on your Side, I would try to get it inserted
in the general Treaty. I think it will do honour to the
Nations that establish it.
With great and sincere Esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedi-
ent and most humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
Propositions relative to Privateering, communicated to Mr.
Oswald.
It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the oc-
casions of war, and the inducements to it, should be dimin-
ished.
If rapine is abolished, one of the encouragements to war
is taken away, and peace therefore more likely to continue
and be lasting.
The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a
remnant of the ancient piracy, though it may be accidentally
beneficial to particular persons, is far from being profitable
to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorizes it. In
the beginning of a war, some rich ships, not upon their guard,
are surprised and taken. This encourages the first adven-
1783] TO RICHARD OSWALD 5
turers to fit out more armed vessels, and many others to do the
same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful,
arm their merchant ships better, and render them not so easy
to be taken ; they go also more under protection of convoys ;
thus, while the privateers to take them are multiplied, the
vessels subject to be taken, and the chances of profit, are
diminished, so that many cruises are made, wherein the ex-
penses overgo the gains; and, as is the case in other lotter-
ies, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adventurers
are losers, the whole expense of fitting out all the privateers,
during a war, being much greater than the whole amount of
goods taken. Then there is the national loss of all the labour
of so many men during the time they have been employed in
robbing; who, besides, spend what they get in riot, drunken-
ness, and debauchery, lose their habits of industry, are rarely
fit for any sober business after a peace, and serve only to in-
crease the number of highwaymen and housebreakers. Even
the undertakers, who have been fortunate, are by sudden
wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues
when the means of supporting it ceases, and finally ruins
them ; a just punishment for their having wantonly and un-
feelingly ruined many honest, innocent traders and their
families, whose subsistence was employed in serving the
common interests of mankind.
Should it be agreed and become a part of the law of nations,
that the cultivators of the earth are not to be molested or
interrupted in their peaceable and useful employment, the in-
habitants of the sugar islands would perhaps come under the
protection of such a regulation, which would be a great ad-
vantage to the nations who at present hold those islands, since
the cost of sugar to the consumer in those nations consists
6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
not merely in the price he pays for it by the pound, but in the
accumulated charge of all the taxes he pays in every war, to
fit out fleets and maintain troops for the defence of the islands
that raise the sugar, and the ships that bring it home. But
the expense of treasure is not all. A celebrated philosophi-
cal writer remarks, that, when he considered the wars made
in Africa, for prisoners to raise sugars in America, the num-
bers slain in those wars, the numbers that, being crowded in
ships, perish in the transportation, and the numbers that die
under the severities of slavery, he could scarce look on a mor-
sel of sugar without conceiving it spotted with human blood.
If he had considered also the blood of one another, which the
white nations shed in fighting for those islands, he would have
imagined his sugar not as spotted only, but as thoroughly
dyed red. On these accounts I am persuaded, that the sub-
jects of the Emperor of Germany, and the Empress of Russia,
who have no sugar islands, consume sugar cheaper at Vienna,
and Moscow, with all the charge of transporting it after its
arrival in Europe, than the citizens of London or of Paris.
And I sincerely believe, that if France and England were to
decide, by throwing dice, which should have the whole of
their sugar islands, the loser in the throw would be the gainer.
The future expense of defending them would be saved ; the
sugars would be bought cheaper by all Europe, if the inhab-
itants might make it without interruption, and, whoever im-
ported the sugar, the same revenue might be raised by duties
at the customhouses of the nation that consumed it. And,
on the whole, I conceive it would be better for the nations now
possessing sugar colonies to give up their claim to them, let
them govern themselves, and put them under the protection
of all the powers of Europe as neutral countries, open to the
I7«3] TO RICHARD OSWALD ^
commerce of all, the profits of the present monopolies being
by no means equivalent to the expense of maintaining them.
Article.
If war should hereafter arise between Great Britain and
the United States, which God forbid, the merchants of either
country then residing in the other shall be allowed to remain
nine months to collect their debts, and settle their affairs, and
may depart freely, carrying off all their effects without moles-
tation or hindrance. And all fishermen, all cultivators of the
earth, and all artisans or manufacturers unarmed, and in-
habiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, who labour for
the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, and peace-
ably follow their respective employments, shall be allowed to
continue the same, and shall not be molested by the armed
force of the enemy in whose power by the events of the war
they may happen to fall ; but, if any thing is necessary to be
taken from them, for the use of such armed force, the same
shall be paid for at a reasonable price. And all merchants
or traders with their unarmed vessels, employed in commerce,
exchanging the products of different places, and thereby ren-
dering the necessaries, conveniences, and comforts of human
life more easy to obtain, and more general, shall be allowed
to pass freely, unmolested. And neither of the powers,
parties to this treaty, shall grant or issue any commission to
any private armed vessels, empowering them to take or de-
stroy such trading ships, or interrupt such commerce.
8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1386. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES l (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, January 18, 1783.
SIR,
Agreable to the Notice just received from your Excellency,
I shall acquaint Mr. Adams with your desire to see us on
Monday before ten o'clock, at Versailles ; and we shall en-
deavour to be punctual. My other Colleagues are absent;
Mr. Laurens being gone to Bath, in England, to recover his
Health, and Mr. Jay into Normandy. I shall bring my
Grandson, as you direct. With great Respect, I have the
honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
1387. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy, January 19, 1783.
SIR,
Late last night I received a note from Count de Vergennes,
acquainting me that it is very essential he should have a con-
ference with us, and requesting that I would inform my col-
1 The following is the note from Vergennes to which the above is a reply : —
"Versailles, January 18, 1783.
" SIR,
" It is essential that I should have the honour of conferring with you, Mr.
Adams, and your other colleagues, who are in Paris. I therefore pray you to
invite these gentlemen to come out to Versailles with you on Monday, before
ten o'clock in the morning. It will be well, also, if you will bring your grand-
son. It will be necessary for much writing and translating from English into
French to be done. The object for which I ask this interview's very inter-
esting to the United States. I have the honour to be, Sir,
"DE VERGENNES." — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 9
leagues. He desires that we may be with him before ten on
Monday morning. If it will suit you to call here, we may go
together in my carriage. We should be on the road by eight
o'clock. With great regard, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1388. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (D. s. w.)
Passy, January 21, 1783.
SIR,
I have just received your letters of November pth and
December 3d.1 This is to inform you, and to request you to
inform the Congress, that the preliminaries of peace between
France, Spain, and England, were yesterday signed, and a
cessation of arms agreed to by the ministers of those powers,
and by us in behalf of the United States, of which act, so far
as relates to us, I enclose a copy. I have not yet obtained a
copy of the preliminaries agreed to by the three crowns, but
hear, in general, that they are very advantageous to France
and Spain. I shall be able, in a day or two, to write more
fully and perfectly. Holland was not ready to sign prelimi-
naries, but their principal points are settled. Mr. Laurens is
absent at Bath, and Mr. Jay in Normandy, for their healths,
but will both be here to assist in forming the definitive treaty.
I congratulate you and our country on the happy prospects
afforded us by the finishing so speedily this glorious revolu-
tion, and am, with great esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 See "Diplomatic Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. IV, pp. 31, 45. — ED.
10
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1389. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (L. c.)
Passy, Jan. 25. 1783
SIR,
I received the Letter your Excellency did me the honour
of writing to me the 3ist of the last Month, relative to the
fresh pecuniary Aid which the King was dispos'd to grant
to the Congress. I received also a second Letter on the same
Subject, Dated the i6th Instant. I am extremely sensible
of his Majesty's Goodness in according a new Loan to the
United States of Six Millions, and I accept the same in their
Behalf with the most perfect Gratitude. Considering the
enormous Expence this extensive War must occasion to his
Majesty I did hope to avoid the Necessity of repeating their
original Request of a larger Sum ; and with that View have
had many Consultations & considered various Schemes
with our Banker Mr Grand, for procuring Money elsewhere.
This with other Circumstances occasioned my so long Delay
in Answering, which I beg you would excuse. None of those
Schemes proving practicable, I am constrain'd by my Orders
humbly to request that the Matter may be reconsidered ; and
that at least Six Millions more may be added. As Peace will
diminish both the King's Expence and ours, I hope this Re-
quest may be granted and that it may be sufficient for our
Occasions. I am however ready to enter into and sign the
Contract your Excellency mentions for whatever Sum his
Majesty's Wisdom & Goodness shall think fit to direct.
I inclose the Resolutions of Congress, impowering me to
1783] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON n
borrow the Twenty Millions ; in which their Sense of his
Majesty's Friendship is strongly express'd.
I am, with great Respect,
Sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1390. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON l (p. c.)
Passy, Jan. 27. 1783.
— The Departure of my dearest Friend,2 which I learn
from your last Letter, greatly affects me. To meet with her
once more in this Life was one of the principal Motives of
my proposing to visit England again, before my Return to
America. The last Year carried off my Friends Dr. Pringle,
and Dr. Fothergill, Lord Kaims, and Lord le Despencer.
This has begun to take away the rest, and strikes the hardest.
Thus the Ties I had to that Country, and indeed to the
World in general, are loosened one by one, and I shall soon
have no Attachment left to make me unwilling to follow.
I intended writing when I sent the 1 1 Books, but I lost the
Time in looking for the i2th. I wrote with that; and hope
it came to hand. I therein ask'd your Counsel about my
coming to England. On Reflection, I think I can, from my
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. An
auto, draft is in L. C. — ED.
2 Mrs. Stevenson, the mother of Mrs. Hewson. Her last letter to Frank-
lin is dated July 24, 1782 (U. of P.). Upon it Franklin wrote, "this good
woman, my dear Friend, died the first of January following. She was about
my Age." — ED.
12 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Knowledge of your Prudence, foresee what it will be, viz. not
to come too soon, lest it should seem braving and insulting
some who ought to be respected. I shall, therefore, omit
that Journey till I am near going to America, and then just
step over to take Leave of my Friends, and spend a few days
with you. I purpose bringing Ben with me, and perhaps may
leave him under your Care.
At length we are in Peace, God be praised, and long, very
long, may it continue. All Wars are Follies, very expensive,
and very mischievous ones. When will Mankind be con-
vinced of this, and agree to settle their Differences by Ar-
bitration? Were they to do it, even by the Cast of a Dye,
it would be better than by Fighting and destroying each
other.
Spring is coming on, when Travelling will be delightful.
Can you not, when your children are all at School, make a
little Party, and take a Trip hither? I have now a large
House, delightfully situated, in which I could accommodate
you and two or three Friends, and I am but half an Hour's
Drive from Paris.
In looking forward, Twenty-five Years seems a long Period,
but, in looking back, how short ! Could you imagine, that
'tis now full a Quarter of a Century since we were first ac-
quainted? It was in 1757. During the greatest Part of the
Time, I lived in the same House with my dear deceased
Friend, your Mother; of course you and I saw and con-
vers'd with each other much and often. It is to all our
Honours, that in all that time we never had among us the
smallest Misunderstanding. Our Friendship has been all
clear Sunshine, without the least Cloud in its Hemisphere.
Let me conclude by saying to you, what I have had too
1783] TO JOHN SARGENT 13
frequent Occasions to say to my other remaining old Friends,
"The fewer we become, the more let us love one another."
Adieu, and believe me ever yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1391. TO JOHN SARGENT1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, Jan* 27. 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received and read the Letter you were so kind as to write
to me the 3d instant, with a great deal of Pleasure, as it in-
form'd me of the Welfare of a Family, whom I have so long
esteem'd and lov'd, and to whom I am under so many Ob-
ligations, which I shall ever remember. Our Correspondence
has been interrupted by that abominable War. I neither
expected Letters from you, nor would I hazard putting you in
Danger by writing any to you. We can now communicate
freely; and next to the Happiness of seeing and embracing
you all again at Halstead, will be that of hearing frequently
of your Health and Prosperity.
Mrs. Sargent and the good Lady, her Mother, are very
kind in wishing me more happy Years. I ought to be satis-
fy'd with those Providence has already been pleas'd to afford
me, being now in my seventy-eighth ; a long Life to pass
1 John Sargent, a merchant in London, and a director of the Bank of
England, was M.P. for Midhurst (1754-1764) and for West Looe, 1765-1768.
He lived at Halstead Place, Kent, which property he bought from Robert
Ralph Foley. He died at Tunbridge Wells, September 20, 1791. Mrs. Sar-
gent died December 5, 1792. Their "eldest son" was John Sargent, M.P.
for Seaford (1790). He married Charlotte, daughter and heiress of Richard
Bettesworth, Esq., of Petworth, Sussex. He died in 1830, having had six sons
and three daughters. He wrote "The Mine, a Dramatic Poem" (1785). — ED.
I4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
without any uncommon Misfortune, the greater part of it in
Health and Vigor of Mind and Body, near Fifty Years of it
in continu'd Possession of the Confidence of my Country, in
public Employments, and enjoying the Esteem and affection-
ate, friendly Regard of many wise and good Men and Women,
in every Country where I have resided. For these Mercies
and Blessings I desire to be thankful to God, whose Pro-
tection I have hitherto had, and I hope for its Continuance
to the End, which now cannot be far distant.
The Account you give me of your Family is pleasing, except
that your eldest Son continues so long unmarried. I hope
he does not intend to live and die in Celibacy. The Wheel of
Life, that has roll'd down to him from Adam without Inter-
ruption, should not stop with him. I would not have one
dead unbearing Branch in the Genealogical Tree of the Sar-
gents. The married State is, after all our Jokes, the happiest,
being conformable to our Natures. Man & Woman have
each of them Qualities & Tempers, in which the other is de-
ficient, and which in Union contribute to the common Felicity.
Single and separate, they are not the compleat human Being ;
they are like the odd Halves of Scissors ; they cannot answer
the End of their Formation.
I am concern'd at the Losses you have suffered by the War.
You are still young and active enough to retrieve them, and
Peace, I hope, will afford the Opportunity.
You mention nothing of my good friend Mrs. Deane, or
her amiable Sisters, whom I sometimes saw with you, nor of
Mr. Chambers. I hope they are all well & happy. Present
my Respects to Mrs. Sargent, whom I love very much, and
believe me ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1783] TO JOHN COAKLEY LETTSOM 15
1392. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS1
Passy, February 17, 1783
DEAR SIR : — It is a long time since I have had the pleasure
of hearing from you. I hope, however, that you and yours
continue well.
The bearers, Mr. President Wheelock and his brother, go to
Holland on a public-spirited design,2 which you will find
recommended by many eminent persons in America.
I beg leave to request for these gentlemen your civilities
and best counsels, as they will be entire strangers in your
country.
With great esteem, I am ever, dear sir, your faithful, humble
servant, B. FRANKLIN.
1393- TO JOHN COAKLEY LETTSOM8
DEAR SIR, Passy, March 6, 1783.
I received your favour of September last. It found me
labouring under a painful disorder, which continued long, and
1 From " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin " (Bigelow), Vol. VIII,
p. 258. — ED.
2 To procure money for Dartmouth College. Jonathan Trumbull wrote to
Franklin, November 9, 1782 (A. P. S.), reminding him "of the circumstances
of the first institution of the University of Dartmouth in the State of New
Hampshire, — that the late venerable Dr Wheelock was indefatigable in his
endeavours to civilise and christianize the Indian natives, and to promote
humanity, literature and piety, and for that end sought and obtained bene-
factions in London ; . . . the Doctor's worthy son, the honorable John
Wheelock Esq" is now the President, and in imitation of his father's virtues,
and to bring to perfection the institution so happily begun and prospered, is
intrusted and authorized by its Trustees to sollicite benefactions in France and
Holland to compleat that laudable beneficial & liberal undertaking." — ED.
8 First published by Sparks (Vol. IX, p. 493). Dr. Lettsom (1744-1815),
16 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
put me much behind hand in my correspondence. I thank
you for the valuable publications that accompanied it, par-
ticularly those of your own composition, which I read with
pleasure.
Our late excellent friend * was always proposing something
for the good of mankind. You will find instances of this in
one of his letters which I enclose, the only one I can at present
lay my hand on. I have some very valuable ones in America,
if they are not lost in the late confusions. You will be so
kind as to return it to me, after having extracted from it what
you may think proper. Just before I left England, he, in
conjunction with Mr. Barclay and myself, laboured hard to
prevent the coming war, but our endeavours were fruitless.
This transaction is alluded to in the paragraph that begins
at the bottom of the first page. If we may estimate the good-
ness of a man by his disposition to do good, and his constant
endeavours and success in doing it, I can hardly conceive
that a better man has ever existed.
I desire to be considered as a subscriber, if there is a sub-
scription, for two sets of his works,2 which I will pay for on
demand. With great esteem, I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
an eminent physician, came of a Quaker family of Cheshire origin. He was
one of the founders (1770) of the General Dispensary and of the Medical
Society of London, and participated in many other philanthropic projects.
He published a " Life of John Fothergill," his patron, in 1783. — ED.
1 Dr. John Fothergill. — ED.
2 The works of Dr. John Fothergill, edited by J. C. Lettsom, 3 volumes,
8vo, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT MORRIS 17
1394. TO ROBERT MORRIS1
Passy, March 7, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
With this I send you a copy of the last contract I made with
this court, respecting the late loan of six millions, the terms
of the loan, and the times of repayment. It was impossible
for me to obtain more, and, indeed, considering the state of
finances and expenses here, I wonder I have obtained so
much. You will see by the enclosed Gazette, that the govern-
ment is obliged to stop payment for a year of its own bills of
exchange, drawn in America and the East Indies ; yet it has
advanced six millions to save the credit of ours. You will, I
am sure, do all in your power to avoid drawing beyond your
funds here ; for I am absolutely assured, that no farther aid
for this year is to be expected ; and it will not be strange, that
they should suffer your bills to take the same fate with their
own.
You will also see in the contract fresh marks of the King's
goodness towards us, in giving so long a term for payment,
and forgiving the first year's interest. I hope the ravings of
a certain mischievous madman 2 here against France and its
ministers, which I hear of every day, will not be regarded in
America, so as to diminish in the least the happy union that
has hitherto subsisted between the two nations, and which is
indeed the solid foundation of our present importance in
Europe. With great esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 First published by Sparks (Vol. IX, p. 494). — ED.
* John Adams. — ED.
VOL. ix — c
18 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1395. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (D. s. w.)
Paris, March 7, 1783.
SIR,
I but this moment hear of this Opportunity, by which I
can only send you a line to acquaint you, that I have con-
cluded the Treaty with Sweden, which was signed on
Wednesday last. You will have a Copy by the first good
Opportunity. It differs very little from the plan sent me ; in
nothing material.1 The English Court is in confusion by
another change of Ministry, Lord Shelburne and his friends
having resigned ; but it is not yet certainly known who will
succeed, tho' Lord North and Mr. Fox are talked of as two,
they being reconciled ! I cannot add, but that I am, with
great Esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. The Change in the Ministry is not supposed of any
Importance respecting our definitive Treaty, which must con-
form to the Preliminaries ; but we shall see.
1396- TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, March 9, 1783.
SIR, Mr. Barclay, our consul-general, waits upon your
Excellency with a complaint of a gross affront and injury
offered to the Congress of the United States, at L'Orient, by
some English merchants residing at Bourdeaux, to which I
1 This treaty is printed in the public Journals of Congress, Vol. IV, p. 241,
under the date of July 29, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 19
beg your Excellency's attention, and that you would order
such measures to be taken for redress as the nature of the
case will appear to require. I am, with great respect, sir,
your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1397. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, March 16, 1783.
Sra: — I received the letter your Excellency did me the
honour of writing to me respecting the means of promoting
the commerce between France and America. Not being
myself well acquainted with the state of that commerce, I
have endeavoured by conversation with some of our merchants
to obtain information. They complain in general of the
embarrassment it suffers by the numerous internal demands
of duties, searches, etc., that it is subjected to in this country.
Whether these can be well removed, and the system changed,
I will not presume to say. The enclosed letters may, how-
ever, inform your Excellency of some of the circumstances,
and probably Mr. Barclay, our consul, may furnish others.
In general I would only observe that commerce, consisting in
a mutual exchange of the necessities and conveniences of life,
the more free and unrestrained it is, the more it flourishes ; and
the happier are all the nations concerned in it. Most of the
restraints put upon it in different countries seem to have been
the projects of particulars for their private interest, under
pretence of public good. Your Excellency has no doubt seen
the bill now under consideration in the British Parliament
respecting their trade with America, and will consider how
20 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
far it may be practicable to give facilities to the future trade
between America and your sugar islands, as well as with
France, similar to those which seem now to be projected by
England. I myself wish most earnestly that France may
reap speedily those great advantages from the American
Commerce, which she has so well merited by her generous
aids in freeing it from its former monopoly ; and every thing
in my power to promote that desirable end may be depended
on. With great respect, I am, sir, your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1398. TO THE EARL OF BUCHAN1 (L. c.)
Passy, March 17, 1783.
MY LORD,
I received the Letter your Lordship did me the honour
of writing to me the i8th past, and am oblig'd by your kind
Congratulations on the return of Peace, which I hope will be
lasting.
With regard to the Terms on which Lands may be acquired
in America, and the Manner of beginning new Settlements
on them, I cannot give better Information than may be found
in a Book lately printed in London, under some such Title
1 David Steuart Erskitie, eleventh Earl of Buchan [1742-1829], during his
father's life bore the title of Lord Cardross. He made various attempts to
reform the method of electing Scotch representative peers. He founded the
society of antiquaries of Scotland. He was a frequent contributor to The
Gentleman's Magazine. He corresponded with Horace Walpole, who " tried
everything but being rude to break off the intercourse." He claimed Wash-
ington, whom he characterized as " illustrious and excellent " as his " cousin "
and "friend." In 1792 he sent to President Washington a snuff box made
from the tree which sheltered Sir William Wallace. — ED.
1783] TO THE EARL OF BUCHAN 21
as Letters from a Pensilvania Farmer, by Hector St. John.1
The only Encouragements we hold out to Strangers are, a
good Climate, fertile Soil, wholesome Air and Water, plenty
of Provisions and Fuel, good Pay for Labour, kind Neigh-
bours, good Laws, Liberty, and a hearty Welcome ; the rest
depends on a Man's own Industry and Virtue. Lands are
cheap, but they must be bought. All Settlements are under-
taken at private Expence; the Publick contributes nothing
but Defence and Justice. I should not, however, expect
much Emigration from a Country so much drain'd of Men
as yours must have been by the late War; since the more
have left it, the more Room and the more Encouragement
remain for those who staied at home. But this you can best
judge of ; and I have long observed of your People, that their
Sobriety, Frugality, Industry, and Honesty seldom fail of
Success in America, and of procuring them a good Establish-
ment among us.
I do not recollect the Circumstance you are pleas'd to men-
tion, of my having sav'd a citizen of St. Andrew's, by giving
a Turn to his disorder ; and I am curious to know what the
Disorder was, and what the Advice I gave which proved so
salutary.2 With great Regard, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 For information concerning Crevecoeur, see infra, No. 1468, p. 147. —
ED.
8 " It was a fever of which the Earl of Buchan, then Lord Cardross, lay ill at
St. Andrews ; and the advice was not to blister, according to the old practice,
and the opinion of the learned Doctor Simpson, brother of the celebrated
geometrician at Glasgow." — W. T. F.
In A. P. S. is the original letter from Buchan to F., to which the above is a
reply. It is dated February 18, 1783, and in it the Earl writes: —
" You were entitled to a civic crown on my account a great many years ago,
when, at the University of St. Andrews, you gave a turn to the career of a
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1399- TO JONATHAN SHIPLEY (L. c.)
Passy, March 17, 1783.
' • ' ' •
I received with great pleasure my dear and respected
Friend's letter of the 5th Instant, as it informed me of the
Welfare of a Family I so much esteem and love.
The Clamour against the Peace in your Parliament would
alarm me for its duration, if I were not of opinion with you,
that the Attack is rather against the Minister. I am con-
fident, none of the opposition would have made a better
Peace for England, if they had been in his Place ; at least, I
am sure that Lord Stormont, who seems loudest in Railing
at it, is not the Man that could have mended it. My Reasons
I will give you, when I have, what I hope to have, the great
happiness of seeing you once more, and conversing with you.
They talk much of there being no Reciprocity in our Treaty.
They think nothing, then, of our passing over in silence the
Atrocities committed by their Troops, and demanding no
satisfaction for their wanton Burnings and Devastations of
our fair Towns and Countries. They have heretofore confest
the War to be unjust, and nothing is plainer inr Reasoning
disorder, which then threatened my life. You have, since that time, done so
much, and Heaven has at last been pleased to bless and crown your endeavours
with so much success, that civic crowns of a more important nature are due to
you, and certainly await you, if there is any such thing as public gratitude on
the face of the earth.
" Many of my acquaintances in this part of the world seem disposed to seek
for an asylum on the other side of the Atlantic ; and, knowing my steady
attachment and affection to a people, who received my great-grandfather
[Henry Erskine, third Lord Cardross, who emigrated to South Carolina. — ED.]
when an exile, or rather a fugitive from his country, during the administration
of Lauderdale in Scotland, have applied to me for information on the subject
of settling in the United States." — ED.
1783] TO JONATHAN SHIPLEY 23
than that the Mischiefs done in an unjust War should be
repaired. Can Englishmen be so partial to themselves, as
to imagine they have a right to Plunder and destroy as much
as they please, and then, without satisfying for the Injuries
they have done, to have Peace on equal Terms? We were
favourable, and did not demand what Justice entitled us to.
We shall probably be blamed for it by our Constituents;
and I still think it would be the Interest of England volun-
tarily to offer Reparation of those Injuries, and effect it as
much as may be in her power. But this is an interest she
will never see.
Let us now forgive and forget. Let each Country seek its
Advancement in its own internal Advantages of Arts and
Agriculture, not in retarding or preventing the Prosperity of
the other. America will, with God's blessing, become a
great and happy Country ; and England, if she has at length
gained Wisdom, will have gained something more valuable,
and more essential to her Prosperity, than all she has lost;
and will still be a great and respectable Nation. Her great
Disease at present is the number and enormous Salaries and
Emoluments of Office. Avarice and Ambition are strong Pas-
sions, and, separately, act with great Force on the human
Mind ; but, when both are united, and may be gratified in the
same Object, their violence is almost irresistible, and they
hurry Men headlong into Factions and Contentions, destruc-
tive of all good government. As long, therefore, as these great
Emoluments subsist, your Parliament will be a stormy Sea,
and your Public Councils confounded by private Interests.
But it requires much Public Spirit and Virtue to abolish them ;
more perhaps than can now be found in a Nation so long
corrupted. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
24 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1400. TO SIR WILLIAM JONES1
Passy, March 17, 1783.
DEAR FRIEND,
I duly received your obliging letter of November i5th.
You will have since learned how much I was then, and have
been continually engaged in public affairs, and your goodness
will excuse my not having answered it sooner. You an-
nounced your intended marriage with my much respected
friend, Miss Anna Maria, which I assure you gave me great
pleasure, as I cannot conceive a match more likely to be happy,
from the amiable qualities each of you possesses so plentifully.
You mention its taking place, as soon as a prudent attention
to worldly interests would permit. I just now learn from Mr.
Hodgson, that you are appointed to an honourable and profit-
able place in the Indies ; so I expect now soon to hear of the
wedding, and to receive the profile. With the good Bishop's
permission, I will join my blessing with his ; adding my wishes,
that you may return from that corrupting country, with a
great deal of money honestly acquired, and with full as much
virtue as you carry out with you.
The engraving of my medal, which you know was pro-
jected before the peace, is but just finished. None are yet
struck in hard metal, but will be in a few days. In the mean
1 Sir William Jones (1746-1794), the distinguished Oriental scholar, was
appointed in March, 1783, Judge of the high court at Bengal. The appoint-
ment long coveted by him was delayed because of his uncompromising hostility
to the American war. He was knighted March 19, 1783, and in April he was
married to Anna Maria, eldest daughter of Jonathan Shipley, bishop of St.
Asaph. During his residence in India (1783-1794) he founded the Bengal
Asiatic Society, and made numerous contributions to the " Asiatic Researches."
The letter is printed here from Sparks, Vol. IX, p. 500. — ED.
1783] TO JOHN DICKINSON 25
time, having this good opportunity by Mr. Penn, I send you
one of the tpreuves. You will see that I have profited by
some of your ideas, and adopted the mottos you were so kind
as to furnish.
I am at present quite recovered from my late illness, and
flatter myself that I may in the ensuing summer be able to
undertake a trip to England, for the pleasure of seeing once
more my dear friends there, among whom the Bishop and
his family stand foremost in my estimation and affection.
I thank you for your good wishes respecting me. Mine for
your welfare and prosperity are not less earnest and sincere ;
being with great truth, dear Sir, your affectionate friend, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1401. TO JOHN DICKINSON * (L. c.)
Passy, March 23* 1783
SIR : — Permit me to congratulate your Excellency on your
advancement to the Presidency of Pennsylvania, wherein I
hope you may find opportunities of doing much good to your
Country, the only Consideration that can make an elevated
situation agreeable to a reasonable Mind.
Mr. Penn,2 son of our late Proprietary, purposes going
over shortly, and will do me the honour of delivering this line
to you. He appears to me, in the short acquaintance I have
had with him, to be an amiable young Gentleman of a prom-
ising valuable Character, and if any Recommendations of
mine to your Civilities and Friendship could be thought
necessary, he should have them fully. But I confine myself
1 Then president of the state of Pennsylvania. — ED.
2 John, son of Thomas Penn. — ED.
26 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
here to what regards the Family in general. They think the
late Act of Assembly respecting their Lands has done them
great Injustice. Not being in the Country when it was made,
and being unacquainted with the Reasonings upon which it
was founded, I have only been able to say that I did not
believe any Injustice was intended, and that the offered Com-
pensation had been supposed an equitable one. I have not
heard that the Family was considered as delinquent in the
Affair of the Revolution. But as I find it is imagined that
some Suspicions of their being unfavourable to it have per-
haps prejudiced the Assembly against them, and that the
Warmth of the Times has produced a harder Treatment of
their Interests than would otherwise have been thought of,
I would beg leave to mention it to your Excellency's Con-
sideration, whether it would not be reputable for the Province,
in the cooler Season of Peace to reconsider that Act, and if
the Allowance made to the Family should be found inadequate,
to regulate it according to Equity, since it becomes a Virgin
State to be particularly careful of its Reputation, and to
guard itself not only against committing Injustice, but
against even the suspicion of it.
With great Esteem and Respect I have the honour to be, etc.
B. F.
1402. TO DAVID HARTLEY1
DEAR SIR, Passy» March 23> '783.
I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to
me, requesting a recommendation to America, of Mr. Joshua
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin » (1817), Vol.
II, p. 326. — ED.
1783] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 27
Grigby. I have accordingly written one, and, having an
opportunity the other day, I sent it under cover to Mr. Ben-
jamin Vaughan. The general proclamations you wished for,
suspending or rather putting an end to hostilities, are now
published; so that your " heart is at rest," and mine with it.
You may depend on my joining my hearty endeavours with
yours in " cultivating conciliatory principles between our
two countries"; and I may venture to assure you, that if
your bill for a provisional establishment of the commerce had
passed as at first proposed, a stipulation on our part in the
definitive treaty, to allow reciprocal and equal advantages
and privileges to your subjects, would have been readily
agreed to. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1403. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
(A. P. s.)
Passy, March 24, 1783.
SIR,
I am desirous of printing a translation of the Constitutions
of the United States of America, published at Philadelphia,
in 1781, by order of Congress. Several of these Constitu-
tions have already appeared in the English and American
newspapers ; others have appeared elsewhere ; but there has
never yet been a complete translation of them. That, of
which I have the honour to speak to your Excellency, being
an octavo volume, contains the different Constitutions of the
United States, their treaty with France, and no foreign matter.
I have made arrangements for this purpose with M. Pierres,
who is ready to commence the impression, and I hope that
your Excellency will give your approbation.
28 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
M. Pierres will need a permit from the Keeper of the Seals
for printing and selling this work, after having furnished me
with the number of copies agreed upon. As I strongly desire,
that this translation may appear at an early day, I shall feel
under great obligations to your Excellency, if you will have
the goodness to request the Keeper of the Seals to send the
order without delay; and, should the formalities required for
the purpose demand any considerable time, to request him
to authorize by letter M. Pierres to proceed with the work.
I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1404. TO EMMANUEL DE ROHAN1
Passy April 6, 1783.
MY LORD,
I have the honour to address to your Eminent Highness
the medal, which I have lately had struck.2 It is a homage
of gratitude, my Lord, which is due to the interest you have
taken in our cause ; and we no less owe it to your virtues, and
to your Eminent Highness's wise administration of govern-
ment.
Permit me, my Lord, to demand your protection for such
of our citizens as circumstances may lead to your ports.
I hope that your Eminent Highness will be pleased to grant
it to them, and kindly receive the assurances of the pro-
found respect with which I am, my Lord, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Grand master of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and ruler of Malta
(1775-1797)- — ED.
2 See letter to R. R. Livingston, March 4, 1782. -—ED.
1783] TO M. ROSENCRONE 29
1405. TO M. ROSENCRONE1 (L. c.)
Passy, April 15, 1783.
SIR,
M. de Walterstorff2 has communicated to me a Letter
from your Excellency to him which affords me great Pleasure,
as it expresses in clear and strong Terms the good Dis-
position of your Court to form Connections of Friendship and
Commerce with the United States of America. I am confi-
dent, that the same good Disposition will be found in the
Congress; and, having acquainted that respectable Body
with the Purport of your Letter, I expect a Commission will
soon be sent, appointing some Person in Europe to enter into
a Treaty with his Majesty the King of Denmark, for the
Purposes desired.
In the mean time, to prepare and forward the Business
as much as may be, I send, for your Excellency's Considera-
tion, such a Sketch as you mention, form'd on the Base of
our Treaty with Holland, on which I shall be glad to receive
your Excellency's Sentiments. And I hope that this Trans-
action, when compleated, may be the means of producing
and securing a long and happy Friendship between our two
Nations.
To smooth the Way for obtaining this desirable End,
as well as to comply with my Duty, it becomes necessary for
me on this Occasion to mention to your Excellency the
Affair of our three Prizes, which, having during the War
entered Bergen as a neutral and friendly Port, where they
1 Minister of foreign affairs at Copenhagen. — ED.
8 See the following letter, to R. R. Livingston, April 15, 1783. — ED.
30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
might repair the Damages they had suffered, and procure
Provisions, were, by an order of your Predecessor in the Office
you so honourably fill, violently seized and delivered to our
Enemies. I am inclined to think it was a hasty Act, pro-
cured by the importunitys and Misrepresentations of the
British Minister, and that your Court could not, on reflection,
approve of it. But the Injury was done, and I flatter myself
your Excellency will think with me, that it ought to be re-
paired. The Means and Manner I beg leave to recommend to
your Consideration, and am, with great Respect, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1406. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (L. c.)
Passy, April 15, 1783.
SIR,
You complain sometimes of not hearing from us. It is
now near three Months since any of us have heard from
America. I think our last Letters came with General de
Rochambeau. There is now a Project under Consideration
for establishing Monthly Packet Boats between France and
New York, which I hope will be carried into Execution ; our
Correspondences then may be more regular and frequent.
I send herewith another Copy of the Treaty concluded with
Sweden. I hope, however, that you will have received the
former, and that the Ratification is forwarded. The King,
as the Ambassador informs me, is now employ'd in exam-
ining the Duties payable in his Ports, with a View of lowering
them in favour of America, and thereby encouraging and
facilitating our mutual Commerce.
1783] TO ROBERT JR. LIVINGSTON 31
M. de Walterstorff Chambellan du Roy de Dannemarck,
formerly Chief Justice of the Danish West India Islands,
was last year at Paris, where I had some Acquaintance with
him, and he is now return'd hither. The Newspapers have
mention'd him as intended to be sent Minister from his Court
to Congress; but he tells me no such Appointment has yet
been made. He assures me, however, that the King has a
strong Desire to have a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce
with the United States; and he has communicated to me a
Letter, which he received from M. Rosencrone, the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, expressing that Disposition. I enclose
a Copy of the Letter; and, if the Congress shall approve of
entring into such a Treaty with the King of Denmark, of
which I told M. de Walterstorff I made no doubt, they will
send to me, or whom else they shall think proper, the necessary
Powers and Instructions for that purpose. In the mean
time, to keep the Business in Train, I have sent to that Min-
ister, for his Consideration, a Translation of the Plan, mutatis
mutandis, which I receiv'd from Congress for a Treaty with
Sweden, accompanied by a Letter, of which likewise I enclose
a Copy. I think it would be well to make it one of the In-
structions to whoever is commission'd for the Treaty, that he
previously procure Satisfaction for the Prizes mention'd in
my Letter.
The Definitive Treaties have met with great Delays, partly
by the Tardiness of the Dutch, but principally by the Dis-
tractions in the Court of England, where, for six or seven
Weeks, there was properly no Ministry, nor any Business
effected. They have at last settled a Ministry, but of such a
Composition as does not promise to be lasting. The Papers
will inform you who they are. It is now said, that Mr.
32 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Oswald, who sign'd the Preliminaries, is not to return here,
but that Mr. David Hartley comes in his stead to settle the
definitive. A Congress is also talk'd of, and that some use
is therein to be made of the Mediation formerly proposed
of the Imperial Courts. Mr. Hartley is an old Friend of mine,
and a strong Lover of Peace, so that I hope we shall not have
much difficult Discussion with him; but I could have been
content to have finish'd with Mr. Oswald, whom we always
found very reasonable.
Mr. Laurens, having left Bath, mended in his Health, is
daily expected at Paris, where Messrs. Jay and Adams still
continue. Mr. Jefferson has not yet arriv'd, nor the Romulus,
in which Ship I am told he was to have taken his Passage.
I have been the more impatient of this Delay, from the Ex-
pectation given me of full Letters by him. It is extraordinary,
that we should be so long without any Arrivals from America
in any Port of Europe. We have as yet heard nothing of the
Reception of the preliminary Articles in America, tho' it is
now nearly 5 Months since they were signed. Barney,
indeed, did not get aVay from hence before the Middle of
January, but Copies went by other Ships long before him;
he waited some time for the Money he carried, and after-
wards was detained by violent contrary Winds. He had a
Passport from England, and I hope arriv'd safe ; tho' we have
been in some Pain for him, on Ace* of a Storm soon after he
sail'd.
The English Merchants have shown great Eagerness to
reassume their Commerce with America ; but apprehending
that our Laws, prohibiting that Commerce, would not be
repeal'd till England had set the Example by repealing theirs,
the Number of Vessels they had loaded with Goods have been
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 33
detain'd in Port, while the Parliament have been debating
on the Repealing Bill, which has been alter'd two or three
times, and is not yet agreed upon. It was at first propos'd
to give us equal Privileges in Trade with their own Subjects,
repealing thereby, with respect to us, so much of their Navi-
gation Act, as regards Foreign Nations. But that Plan
seems to be laid aside, and what will finally be done in the
Affair is yet uncertain.
There is not a Port in France, and few in Europe, from
which I have not receiv'd several Applications of Persons
desiring to be appointed Consuls for America. They gen-
erally offer to execute the Office for the Honour of it, with-
out Salary. I suppose the Congress will wait to see what
Course the Commerce will take, and in what Places it will fix
itself, in order to find where Consuls will be necessary, before
any Appointments are made, and perhaps it will then be
thought best to send some of our own People. If they are
not allow'd to Trade, there must be a great Expence for
Salaries. If they may trade, and are Americans, the Fortunes
they make will mostly settle at last in our own Country. The
Agreement I was to make here respecting Consuls, has not
yet been concluded. The Article of Trading is important.
I think it would be well to reconsider it.
I have caused to be struck here the Medal, which I for-
merly mention'd to you, the Design of which you seem'd to
approve. I inclose one of them in Silver, for the President
of Congress, and one in Copper for yourself ; the Impression
on Copper is thought to appear best, and you will soon
receive a Number for the Members. I have presented one
to the King, and another to the Queen, both in Gold, and
one in Silver to each of the Ministers, as a monumental
VOL. IT — D
34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Acknowledgment, which may go down to future Ages, of the
Obligations we are under to this Nation. It is mighty well
received, and gives general Pleasure. If the Congress ap-
prove of it, as I hope they will, I may add something on the
Die (for those to be struck hereafter) to show that it was done
by their Order, which I could not venture to do till I had
Authority for it.
A multitude of People are continually applying to me
personally, and by Letters, for Information respecting the
means of transporting themselves, Families, and Fortunes
to America. I give no Encouragement to any of the King's
subjects, as I think it would not be right in me to do it with-
out their Sovereign's approbation; and, indeed, few offer
from France but Persons of irregular Conduct and desperate
Circumstances, whom we had better be without ; but I think
there will be great Emigrations from England, Ireland, and
Germany. There is a great Contest among the Ports, which
of them shall be of those to be declared FreeioT the American
Trade. Many applications are made to me to interest myself
in the behalf of all of them; but having no Instructions on
that head, and thinking it a Matter more properly belonging
to the Consul, I have done nothing in it.
I have continu'd to send you the English Papers. You
will often see Falshoods in them respecting what I say and
do and write, &c. You know those Papers too well to make
any Contradiction of such Stuff necessary from me.
Mr. Barclay is often ill, and I am afraid the Settlement
of our Accounts will be, in his Hands, a long Operation.
I shall be impatient at being detain'd here on that Score
after the Arrival of my Successor. Would it not be well to
join Mr. Ridley with Mr. Barclay for that Service? He re-
1783] INTRODUCTION OF PROFESSOR MARTER 35
sides in Paris, and seems active in Business. I know not,
indeed, whether he would undertake it, but wish he may.
The Finances here are embarrass'd, and a new loan is
propos'd by way of Lottery, in which, it is said by some
Calculators, the King will pay at the Rate of 7 per cent.
I mention this to furnish you with a fresh convincing Proof
against Cavillers of the King's Generosity towards us, in lend-
ing us Six Millions this year at 5 per cent, and of his con-
cern for our Credit, in saving by that Sum the Honour of
Mr. Morris's Bills, while those drawn by his own Officers
abroad have their Payment suspended for a Year after they
become due. You have been told, that France might help
us more liberally if she would. This last Transaction is a
Demonstration of the contrary.
Please to show these last Paragraphs to Mr. Morris, to
whom I cannot now write, the Notice of this Ship being
short ; but it is less necessary, as Mr. Grand writes him fully.
With great Esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Mr. Laurens is just arrived.
1407. INTRODUCTION OF PROFESSOR MARTER
(A. P. S.)
Passy, April 22, 1783.
SIR,
M. Marter, Professor of Natural History in the Service of
the Emperor, being appointed to make a Collection of Plants
and Animals from the four Quarters of the World, for his
Imperial Majesty's Botanic Gardens and Menagerie, proposes
to begin his Operations by a Journey thro* the Countries
under the Government of the United States of America. He
36 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
is strongly recommended to me by his Excellency the Am-
bassador from that Court ; and I take leave to recommend
him not only to the Civilities you are pleas'd in bestowing on
Strangers of Merit but to all the Assistances and Facilities
your Station & the Influence attending it, may enable you
to afford him in the Execution of his Commission, being
persuaded that your Zeal for the Increase of Useful^ Science,
as well as the Respect due to his August Employer, will in-
duce you to render Mr. Marter such Services with Pleasure.
I have the honour to be very respectfully,
Sir,
Your [Excellency's]
15 Copies [B. FRANKLIN.]
1408. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (p. c.)
Passy, April 26, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received in its time your kind Letter of Feb. 22. I am
sensible of the Prudence of your Advice respecting my coming
to England, and shall follow it. Accept my Thanks for that,
and for your kind Invitation to Cheam, when I do come ; but
the little left of Life at my Age will, perhaps, hurry me home,
as soon as I can be quit of my Employment here. I should,
indeed, have great Pleasure in seeing you, and in being some
time with you and your little Family. I cannot have all I
wish.
Mr. Williams is now here with his Family. I shall men-
tion to him his not answering your Letter. We talk'd yester-
day of you, and of his Friend Dolly, whom I have not forgotten,
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
1783] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 37
as she supposes. He express'd the highest Esteem and Re-
gard for you both. My Love to her when you see her.
I send you some more of the little Books, and am ever, my
dear Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1409. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (D. s. w.)
Passy, April 27, 1783.
SIR,
The Count del Veome, an Italian Nobleman of great dis-
tinction, does me the honour to be the Bearer of this. I have
not the Satisfaction to be personally acquainted with this
Gentleman, but am much solicited by some of my particular
friends, to whom his Merits and Character are known, to
afford him this Introduction to you. He is, I understand, a
great Traveller, and his view in going to America is merely
to see the Country and its great Men. I pray you will show
him every Civility, and afford him that Counsel, which as a
Stranger he may stand in need of. With great respect, I am,
&c. B. FRANKLIN.
1410. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, May 4, 1783.
SIR : — I have considered the proposal of M. le Marq. de
Se*gur to cede to the Congress the military stores left by M.
de Rochambeau at Baltimore,1 and I am of opinion that it is
1 « A la reception de cette lettre, vous prendres les ordres du General
Washington pour les dispositions qui devront preceder 1'embarquemont de la
38 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
probable a part of them may be acceptable, if not the whole,
and that possibly some of the different States may be inclined
to purchase what the Congress should not want. But as I am
ignorant of what may or may not be wanted by the Congress,
and have no orders to purchase or procure more stores than
have already been provided here, I can enter into no agree-
ment respecting them. If a power be'sent to the ambassador
or consul to treat with the Congress or the separate States
concerning them, it may be the most probable means of dis-
posing of them to advantage.
I am with respect, sir, your Excellency's most obedient and
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1411. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, May 5, 1783.
SIR : — I have the honour to communicate to your Excel-
lency herewith three articles proposed between Mr. Hartley
and the American Commissioners respecting commerce. He
has sent them to his court for their approbation. I doubt
their obtaining it. But we shall see.
I am, with respect, sir, your Excellency's most obedient
and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
legion, celui des detachement que vous commandez, de la grosse artillerie
laissee a Baltimore et enfin des soldats malades qui n'ont pu suivre les regi-
ments dontils font partie."— Segur to Lauzun, Jan. 23, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 39
1412. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, May 5, 1783.
SIR,
It was my intention to pay my devoirs at Versailles to-
morrow. I thank your Excellency, nevertheless, for your
kind admonition.1 I omitted two of the last three days, from
a mistaken apprehension, that, being holidays, there would
be no court. Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay are both invalids;
and, since my last severe fit of the gout, my legs have con-
tinued so weak, that I am hardly able to keep pace with the
ministers who walk fast, especially in going up and down
stairs.
I beg you to be assured, that whatever deficiency there may
be of strength, there is none of respect in, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 In a letter dated May 5, 1783 (to which the above letter is a reply) Ver-
gennes wrote : —
" I have received the two letters of yesterday and to-day, which you have
done me the honour to write to me, and a copy of the three articles discussed
between the Commissioners of the United States and Mr. Hartley. You are
aware, that I shall want a sufficient time to examine them before submitting to
you the observations, which may relate to our reciprocal interests. Receive,
in the mean time, my sincere thanks for this communication.
M I hope to have the honour of seeing you to-morrow at Versailles. I trust
you will be able to be present with the foreign ministers. It is observed, that
the Commissioners from the United States rarely show themselves here, and
inferences are drawn from it, which I am sure their constituents would dis-
avow, if they had a knowledge of them. I have the honour to be, &c.
" DE VERGENNES." — ED.
40 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1413. TO DAVID HARTLEY (p. R. o.)
Passy, May 8, 1783.
DEAR FRIEND,
I send you enclosed the copies you desired of the papers I
read to you yesterday.1 I should be happy if I could see,
before I die, the proposed improvement of the law of nations
established. The miseries of mankind would be diminished
by it, and the happiness of millions secured and promoted. If
the practice of privateering could be profitable to any civilized
nation, it might be so to us Americans ; since we are so situ-
ated on the globe, as that the rich commerce of Europe with
the West Indies, consisting of manufactures, sugars, &c., is
obliged to pass before our doors, which enables us to make
short and cheap cruises, while our own commerce is in such
bulky, low-priced articles, as that ten of our ships taken by
you are not equal in value to one of yours, and you must come
far from home, at a great expense, to look for them. I hope,
therefore, that this proposition, if made by us, will appear
in its true light, as having humanity only for its motive.
I do not wish to see a new Barbary rising in America, and
our long extended coast occupied by piratical states. I fear,
lest our privateering success in the two last wars should
already have given our people too strong a relish for that most
mischievous kind of gaming, mixed blood ; and, if a stop is
not now put to the practice, mankind may hereafter be more
plagued with American corsairs, than they have been and
are with the Turkish. Try, my friend, what you can do,
in procuring for your nation the glory of being, though the
1 See the Article about privateering, to R. Oswald, January 14, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 41
greatest naval power, the first who voluntarily relinquished
the advantage that power seems to give them, of plundering
others, and thereby impeding the mutual communications
among men of the gifts of God, and rendering miserable mul-
titudes of merchants and their families, artisans, and culti-
vators of the earth, the most peaceable and innocent part of
the human species. With great esteem and affection, I am
ever, my dear friend, yours most sincerely,
B. FRANKLIN.
1414. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ (L. c.)
Passy, May 16, 1783.
DEAR FRIEND : — I have before me your three Favours of
Feb 26, April 8 and 29,* the last delivered to me yesterday by
Mr. Robertson, to whom I shall show the Respect due to
your Recommendation.3 I am asham'd of being so long in
Arrear in my Correspondence with you, but I have too much
Business. I will now endeavour to answer your Letters,
and hope I may be able to do it without Interruption.
I never received the Letter you mention, wherein you asked
my leave to dedicate your Book to me. I should immediately
have given my Consent, esteeming it a great honour to be so
remembred by you, and handed down to Posterity as having
your Friendship. The Cast of your Profile came safe to hand,
1 These letters are all in A. P. S. — ED.
2 " The bearer of this, Mr. James Robertson, being arrived at Paris from a
tour thro Italie, after having spent some time in Vienna, where he followed my
experiments and became one of my friends, has begged the favour of me to
send him an introductory letter to you." — Ingenhousz to Franklin, April 29,
1783. — ED.
42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
and gives me Pleasure, as I think it very like. Pray what is
the Composition?
My Journey to Italy, and thence to Vienna, is yet an Un-
certainty. I thank you however for your kind Advice re-
specting the Conduct of it.1
I have long since been tired of the Acquaintance and cor-
respondence of Mr. V. ; 2 having but a small Remnant left of
Life, I cannot afford to attend to his endless Discourse and
numerous long Letters, and visionary Projects. He wants
to be employed in our Affairs, but he manages his own so
badly that one can have but little Confidence in his Prudence.
I pity him however, tho' I see no possible means of serving
him.
I thank you for the friendly Congratulations on the Peace,
and Cautions respecting our future Conduct ; they are good
and wise.3
Mr. Wharton's Treatment of you gives me pain. He
never writes to me. I forget whether I have already sent you
the Extract of his Letter to Dr. Bancroft, so I enclose a
Copy. I enclose also a part of a Philadelphia Newspaper,
by which you will see that your Name and Writings are
already known in our Country. With regard to your Prop-
1 Ingenhousz advised Franklin to go to Italy through Austria " because
from Vienna to the Venetian territory you have not a single difficult or dan-
gerous road." He also advised a broad Italian carriage, — " the French car-
riages are in general too narrow, and the English too low." — ED.
2 Rudolph Valltravers, an impecunious gentleman of Vienna who wrote
interminable letters to Franklin, and constantly solicited his aid and favour in
obtaining some position in Europe or America. — ED.
3 " Now you are a free and independent people, you ought to be mindfull of
the old proverb, felix quam faciunt aliena pericula cautent ! and prevent
disunion among yourselves. You have had open enemies, now you will have
inobservable ones." — Ingenhousz, Feb. 26, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 43
erty in the Public Funds, I have no doubt of its being secure
according to the Value it had when it was plac'd there, but
I can say nothing as to the particulars of its Situation or
Amount; Mr. Williams can better inform you. I have re-
quested him to do it.
It is long since I have seen M. Le Begue.1 He is much
in the Country. I have heard nothing of the Printing of
your Book.
Your Experiment of burning the Wire has been made here
with the greatest Success. My grandson had it try'd at Mr.
Charles' Lecture, where it gave great Satisfaction & was much
admir'd.
I have not yet found Leisure to explain the Fireplace, but
hope for it, when I am quit of my present Station.
I have been, as you know, so little in America for these last
25 Years, that I am unqualified to answer the Request of Mr.
Veinbrenner concerning the Names and Solidity of Houses
there.2
A new Set of Merchants have grown up into Business, of
whom I know nothing ; and the Circumstances of the old ones
whom I formerly knew may have been much altered by Time,
or by the War. It is besides, an invidious & dangerous
Thing for me to give such a distinguishing List, if I were able
to do it. My best Advice to your Commercial People is, to
send over a discreet, intelligent Person, with instructions to
1 Achille-Guillaume le Begue de Presles (1735-1807), Rousseau's physician
and friend, had been requested by Ingenhousz to superintend the publication
of his book in Paris, but he had not replied for a long time to any of Ingen-
housz's letters. — ED.
2 M. Veinbrenner, by order of Prince Kaunitz, first minister of state, had
written to Franklin for information about " the solidity of merchants in
America." — ED.
44 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
travel thro' the Country, observe the Nature of the Commerce,
find out what of your Commodities are wanted there, and in
what Quantities & Proportions ; & what of the Produce of the
Country can be purchased to make advantageous Returns.
Such a Man on the Spot may obtain better Informations of
Characters than I can possibly give, and may make the
Connections desired with those that he finds to merit Con-
fidence. If your People should think fit to take this Step, I
will give Letters of Recommendation introductory of the
Person, and which may be useful to their Design. Please
to acquaint Mr. Veinbrenner of this, presenting my respects.
I have already given such Letters at [mutilated] have received
no intimation, except from you, that a Proposition for such a
Treaty would be acceptable to His Imperial Majesty.1 I
shall however venture to propose it to the Ambassador when
I request his forwarding to you this Letter. The Commodi-
ties you mention as Productions of the Emperor's Dominions
are all wanted in America, and will sell there to Advantage.2
I will send you another Piece of the Soap you mention
when I can have a good Opportunity. I now send you one
of the Medals I have caused to be struck here, which has the
good Luck to be much approved. [Mutilated, part of draft
cut off.]
With regard to the Statuary 8 you mention, I hardly think
1 A commercial treaty. — ED.
2 " The articles of exportation from this country are chiefly copper, steel,
mercury, and glass as fine as English. Hungarian wines begin also to be an
object. From the low countries the chief exporting objects are lace and lin-
nens."— Ingenhousz, April 8, 1783. — ED.
8 Giuseppi Ceracchi of Rome. Count Lacy, " the greatest favorite of the
Emperour," requested Ingenhousz to ask Franklin whether Ceracchi " should
goe over to America in expectation of being employed in erecting or making
marmor and such like monuments. . . . Marechal Lacy added, that, in case
1783] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 45
it can be worth his while at present to go to America hi Ex-
pectation of being employ'd there. Private Persons are not
rich enough to encourage sufficiently the fine Arts ; and
therefore our Geniuses all go to Europe. In England at
present, the best History Painter, West; the best Portrait
Painter, Copley; and the best Landscape Painter, Taylor,
at Bath, are all Americans. And the Public being burthen'd
by its War Debts, will certainly think of paying them before
it goes into the Expence of Marble Monuments. He might,
indeed, as you hint, be easily paid in Land, but Land will
produce him nothing without Labour ; and he and his Work-
men must [incomplete].
after a few years such an Artist may find Employment;
and possibly we may discover a white Marble.
I am glad you have made the experiments you mention,
and with success. You will find that the holes are not made
by the impulse of the fluid moving in certain directions,
but by circumstances of explosion of parts of the matter;
and I still think my explanation of the holes in the vane
probable, viz. that it was the explosion of tin against parts
of the copper plate that were almost in a state of fusion, and
therefore easily burst through either on one side or the other,
as it happened. The bursting of the twelve bottles all at
once, I take to be owing to small bubbles in the substance
of the glass, or grains of sand, into which a quantity of the
electric fluid had been forced and compressed while the bottles
there was a prospect of finding employment there, and money should be scarce,
gouvernment could grant him land." — Ingenhousz, April 29, 1 783. This is the
only reference made by Franklin to Ceracchi, who has long been credited with
the making of the bust of Franklin which is now known to have been the
work of Caffieri. — ED.
46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
were charging; and when the pressure was suddenly taken
off by discharging the bottles, that confined portion by its
elastic force expanding caused the breach. My reasons for
thinking, that the charge did not pass by those holes you will
find in a former letter; and I think you will always find, that
the coating within and without is forced both ways by the
explosion of these bubbles.
B. FRANKLIN.
141 S. RECOMMENDATION OF A GALLEY SLAVE
(A. P. S.)
Passy, May 22. 1783
SIR,
The Bearer Pierre Andre* Gargaz is Author of a very
humane Project for establishing a perpetual Peace. This
has interested me much in his Behalf. He appears to me a
very honest sensible Man, & worthy of better Fortune: —
For tho' his Project may appear in some respects chimerical,
there is Merit hi so good an Intention. He has serv'd faith-
fully 20 Years as a Galley-Slave, and now requests Letters
of Rehabilitation, that he may enjoy for the Rest of his Life
the Douceurs that State would be attended with: If this
Request of his is not improper, & you can assist him in pro-
curing such Letters You will do me a most sensible Pleasure.
He will show you authentic Certificates of his good Conduct.
With great Esteem, I have the honour to be,
Sir,
[B. FRANKLIN.]
[To whom it may Concern.]
1783] TO PHILIPPE-DENIS PIERRES 47
1416. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, May 23, 1783
SIR : — I beg leave to recommend earnestly to your Ex-
cellency's attention the enclosed petition and papers from
Mr. Price, an honest, worthy American, who was to my knowl-
edge very serviceable to our army in Canada, and much
esteemed by the Congress. I shall be very thankful if you
can procure for him the order he desires. With great respect,
I am, sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
servant, B. FRANKLIN.
1417. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, June 3, 1783
SIR : — Having long known Mr. Williams to be a very
just man in all his transactions, I hope the favour he re-
quests of a surse'ance may be granted to him, being con-
fident that it will be employed to the complete satisfaction
of his creditors. I therefore earnestly pray your Excellency
to obtain it for him. With great respect, I am, sir, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1418. TO PHILIPPE-DENIS PIERRES1 (A. p. s.)
gm Passy, June 10, 1783.
I received the Exemplaire of the Constitutions. I in-
tended to have waited on M. le Garde des Sceaux yesterday,
1 This celebrated printer of Versailles, a member of the Academies of Dijon,
48 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
at Versailles, but was prevented. I shall write to him to-day.
The Ratification of the Swedish Treaty is arrived, so that
there is no farther Obstruction to the Publication. I desire
to have 50 of the 8vos bound in Calf and letter'd, and 50
half bound, that is, between Pasteboards with a Sheepskin
Back, and Letter'd, but not cut. I desire also 6 of the 4tos
copies bound in Morocco. I am, with great esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.1
Lyons, Rouen, and Orleans, died at Dijon, February 28, 1808, at the age of
sixty-eight. At Franklin's request he instructed B. F. Bache in the principles
of typography. He left an unfinished work, " L'Art de 1'Imprimerie." — ED.
1 Pierres wrote to Franklin, June 27, 1783 (A. P. S.), as follows : —
" MONSIEUR,
" Vous devez 8tre etonne sans doute de ne point recevoir de ma part les
exemplaires des Constitutions de 1'Amerique que je vous ai promis le 20 du
courant, jour que j'ai eu 1'honneur de vous voir.
" En vous quittant j'ai etc chez M. de Neville. On m'a montre le nouvel
embargo mis sur cet ouvrage; c'est une note que M. le Garde des Sceaux a
ecrite a cote de la permission, la voici : * a condition que 1'ouvrage passera
encore sous les yeux de M. le Comte de Vergennes avant d'Stre distribu6.'
On m'a dit qu'il etoit a propos que j'en envoyasse un exemplaire a M. le Comte
de Vergennes, c'est ce que j'ai fait en rentrant chez moi : j'y ai joint la lettre
dont je vous envoie copie. J'attends la reponse de ce Ministre pour la faire
passer aussitfit a M. le Garde des Sceaux qui 1'enverra a M. de Neville, pour
enfin apr£s tout cela m'autoriser a faire la distribution.
" Vous voyez, Monsieur, que Paris ne ressemble point du tout a Philadel-
phie et qui'il nous faudrait ici un second Franklin, s'il pouvoit en exister deux,
pour nous delivrer de toutes ces entraves, entraves que je ne puis ni ne dois con-
damner, puisque je suis citoyen.
" Cela ne m'emp&che pas, Monsieur, de faire en attendant relier et brocher
et je serois en etat actuellement de vous livrer tous vos exemplaires, si les
reglements auxquels je suis assujetti m'en donnoient la liberte. Aussitdt que
je serai de"gage de toutes les entraves que je viens de vous detailler, j'aurai
Vhonneur de vous en faire part.
" Je suis avec un profond respect, Monsieur,
" Votre tres humble et
" tres obeissant serviteur
(Signed) " PIERRES."
— ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON' 49
1419. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (D. s. w.)
Passy, June 12, 1783.
SIR,
I wrote to you fully by a vessel from Nantes, which I hope
will reach you before this. If not, this may inform you,
that the ratification of the treaty with Sweden is come, and
ready to be exchanged when I shall receive that from Con-
gress; that the treaty with Denmark is going on, and will
probably be ready before the commission for signing it
arrives from Congress. It is on the plan of that proposed
by Congress for Sweden.
Portugal has likewise proposed to treat with us, and the
ambassador has earnestly urged me to give him a plan for
the consideration of his court, which I have accordingly
done, and he has forwarded it. The Congress will send com-
missions and instructions for concluding these treaties to
whom they may think proper ; it is only upon the old authority,
given, by a resolution, to myself with Messrs. Deane and
Lee, to treat with any European powers, that I have ven-
tured to begin these treaties in consequence of overtures from
those crowns.
The definitive treaty with England is not yet concluded,
their ministry being unsettled in their minds as to the terms
of the commercial part; nor is any other definitive treaty
yet completed here, nor even the preliminaries signed of
one between England and Holland. It is now five months
since we have had a line from you, the last being dated the
i3th of January; of course we know nothing of the reception
VOL. IX — E
So THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
of the Preliminary Articles, or the opinion of Congress
respecting them. We hoped to receive before this time such
instructions as might have been thought proper to be sent
to us for rendering more perfect the definitive treaty. We
know nothing of what has been approved or disapproved.
We are totally in the dark, and therefore, less pressing to
conclude, being still (as we have long been) in daily expecta-
tion of hearing from you. By chance only, we learn that
Barney is arrived, by whom went the despatches of the Com-
missioners, and a considerable sum of money. No acknowl-
edgment of the receipt of that money is yet come to hand,
either to me or M. Grand. I make no doubt that both you
and Mr. Morris have written, and I cannot imagine what
has become of your letters. With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. I beg leave to recommend to your civilities the
bearer of this, Dr. Bancroft, whom you will find a very in-
telligent, sensible man, well acquainted with the state of
affairs here, and who has heretofore been employed in the
service of Congress. I have long known him, and esteem
him highly.
1420. TO PRINCE DES DEUXPONTS (A. p. s.)
June 14 1783
WITHOUT Information what are the Productions & Manu-
factures of the Palatinate & of Bavaria and their Prices of
which M1 Franklin is totally ignorant, it is impossible for
him to say what of them will be proper for a Commerce with
1783] TO PRINCE DBS DEUX FONTS 51
the United States of America. He can only answer in gen-
eral, that America purchases from Europe all kinds of
Woolens & Linnens warp & fine proper for Clothing of
Men & Women ; with a variety of Iron & Steele Manufactures.
And she pays in Tobacco, Rice, Indigo, Bills of Exchange or
Money. If the Electorates above mentioned, can furnish
any of those Manufactures cheaper than France, Holland, or
England, they may thereby obtain a Share of the American
Commerce. But it will be prudent for the Merchants to
send a discreet intelligent Man with a small Cargo of Samples
of all their kinds of Goods, in order to obtain a thorough
Knowledge of the Nature of the Commerce in that Country,
and of the Kinds of Goods & proportions of their Quanti-
ties, that are most in demand there, before they hazard the
making of large Adventures. — There is no doubt but that
the Commerce of the German States will be favourably re-
ceiv'd in America, where a great many People of that Nation
are established. MT F. will give it all the Encouragement
that can be expected of him; but he cannot take upon him
to point out and name as he has been desired the most Solid
Houses of Commerce there, having been long absent from
that Country, and the War having probably made a Change
in the Circumstances of many.1
1 The above letter was written by Franklin in lead pencil upon the back of
the following note addressed to him by M. le Prince des Deuxponts : —
" M. le Prince des Deuxponts s'est deja adresse a Monsieur Franklin pour
savoir si PElectorat Palatin et le Duche de Baviere pourroient entrer en liaison
de commerce avec les treize Etats unis de 1'Amerique. Mais n'en ayant obtenu
qu'une reponse trop vague pour £tre transmise \ ses commettans, il le prie
tres instamment de vouloir bien lui specifier par ecrit quelles seroient les pro-
ductions et les objets d'industrie qui pourroient le plus aisement donner de la
consistance a ce projet et le faire prosperer. II insiste sur ,cette reponse
parce qu'on la lui demande et il se flatte que Monsieur Franklin verra d'un
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1421. ON THE SHOCK BY THE ELECTRIC BOT-
TLE, AND THE DENSITY OF GLASS 1 (L. c.)
Passy, June 14, 1783.
SIR,
I received some time since the letter you honoured me
with, containing your hypothesis for explaining the shock
given by the electric bottle, on which you seem to desire my
opinion. It is many years since I was engaged in those
pleasing studies, and my mind is at present too much occu-
pied with other and more important affairs to permit my
returning to them. I cannot therefore examine your in-
genious hypothesis with the attention it appears to merit.
You will find in a letter of mine to Dr. Lining, dated March
1 8th, 1755, that I abandoned my hypothesis of the greater
density of glass in the middle than near its surfaces, as con-
tributing to produce the effect, because I found the effect to
be the same after I had ground that part away.
And I think you might likewise try yours by an easy ex-
periment. Take a plate of lead twelve inches square ; cover
one of its sides with a coat of bees' wax, about one line thick;
upon that apply closely a thin plate of lead eight inches
square, so as to leave a margin of two inches all round.
Electrify this composition of lead and wax, and try if you can
ceil favorable 1'empressement que temoignent plusieurs Etats de 1'Allemagne
d'avoir des rapports avec une nouvelle puissance qui est en tres grande
partie son ouvrage.
" Paris, le 14 Juin 1783."
Charles, Prince des Deuxponts, elder brother of King Maximilian of Bavaria,
was the nephew of Duke Christian of Zweibriick, who was the husband of
Franklin's esteemed friend Madame de Forbach. — ED.
1 It is not known to whom this letter was written. — ED.
1783] TO BARON DE STAEL 53
receive a shock from it ; if not, you may draw thence a fur-
ther argument to support your hypothesis, because the wax,
though a non-conductor, is not elastic, any more than pure
lead. I see you are endowed with a genius for the study of
nature; and I would recommend it to you to employ your
time rather in making experiments, than in making hypoth-
eses and forming imaginary systems, which we are all too
apt to please ourselves with, till some experiment comes and
unluckily destroys them. Wishing you success in your in-
quiries, I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1422. TO BARON DE STAEL (A. p. s.)
Passy, le 16 Juin 1783
MONSIEUR,
J'ai ref u la Lettre que votre Excellence m'a fait 1'honneur
de m'ecrire le 13 de ce Mois, pour me faire Part que vous
avez re£u de votre Cour la Ratification du Traite* conclu
entre nos deux Nations: J'attens de Jour en Jour la Rati-
fication du Congres, J des que je 1'aurai refue je m' empres-
serai de vous en faire Part, a fin que nous puissions faire les
Echanges reciproques.
Le Desir que temoigne sa Majeste* Swedoise, (et dont M*
le Ctc de Creutz votre Predecesseur, m'avez instruit avant
son depart) d'avoir pour resider aupres d'Elle, de la Part des
Etats Unis, quelqu'un qui porte mon Nom, m'honore et
me flatte infiniement; ainsi que les Termes obligeants dont
vous vous etes servis pour me rapeller cet desir. — Je m'em-
presserai de le faire connoitre au Congres, et je ne doute
pas que £e Corps ne se prete a faire tous ce qui peut etre
54 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
agreable a un Souverain pour qui ils ont tant d'estime,
J qui a etc* le premier de 1'Europe a nous offrir son Amide*.
J'ai 1'honneur d'etre une respectueuse Consideration et
un sincere attachement, de Votre Excellence
Le tres humble et tres obeissant
serviteur
[B. FRANKLIN.]1
1423. TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL FALCONER2
(P. H. S.)
Passy, June 18. 1783
DEAR FRIEND
I received your kind Letters of May 15. and June y.3
and was very glad to hear of your Welfare and safe Arrival
in England. — I wish you much Success in entring again
upon your old Occupation, and should be happy if I could
1 This letter was in reply to the following : —
"Paris, June 13, 1783.
" SIR,
" I have just received his Majesty's ratification of the treaty of commerce
concluded with the United States, which I shall have the honour to send you
as soon as it can be exchanged for the one from Congress.
" Permit me, Sir, on this occasion to repeat the request, which the ambas-
sador has made you, respecting Mr. Franklin, your grandson. He had the
honour to tell you, that it would afford the King a pleasure to have a person
residing with him, in the capacity of the minister of Congress, who bears your
name in conjunction with such estimable qualifications as young Mr. Franklin
possesses. He charged me before he departed, to repeat to you the same
assurances, and you will allow me to add, on my part, my best wishes for the
success of this matter. I have the honour to be, &c.
" LE BARON DE STAEL."
Eric-Magnus, Baron de Stael-Holstein (1749-1802), was newly accredited
Swedish ambassador to France at the time of the writing of this letter. Three
years later he married the daughter of M. Necker. — ED.
2 The trans, of this letter in P. H. S. is endorsed " copied from the original
in possession of Peter Thompson of Philad»." — ED.
8 These letters are in A. P. S. — ED.
1783] TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL FALCONER 55
be ready to return in a ship under your Care. But I have
not yet receiv'd the Permission I requested from Congress,
nor do I know anything of their Intentions respecting me or
my Grandson, having no Letter later than the i3th of Janu-
ary. I am surpriz'd they did not take the opportunity of
writing by you. We are here totally in the Dark as to their
Opinion of the Preliminary Articles of the Peace, which we
sent by Capt. Barney in the Washington ; who sail'd from
L'Orient the iyth of January, and carried with our Dis-
patches a large Sum of Money; we have not so much as
heard with Certainty of his Arrival. I beg you will give
me what Information you can of these Particulars and any
others that you may think interesting to me and mine. Is
it true that Mr Morris has resigned his Office, and that the
Constitution of Pensilvania is to be altered in October?
Was any one appointed to succeed me here, or who was in-
tended? I never long'd so much to be at home, and am
afraid that if my Discharge is delay'd I shall be oblig'd to
stay here another Winter.—
I am glad to hear from you of the Welfare of my old Friends
MT. Jackson and MF. Watley.1 If you see them again, please
to present my best Respects to them. I have still a regard
for Mf. Strahan in remembrance of our ancient Friendship,
tho' he has as a Member of Parliament dipt his Hands in
our Blood. He was always as credulous as you find him.2
1 Captain Falconer dined June 6, 1783, with Richard Jackson and George
Whatley, at the Post Office. — ED.
a " I have been over to your old friends Mr. Strawns and find him just the
same man, believes every Ly he hears against the United States, the French
army and our Army have been killing each other, and that we shall be glad to
come to this country again. Let these Gentlemen believe all this for I am
very sure I do not." (Falconer.) — ED.
S6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
He told me a little before I left London that there was News
of a Scotch Sergeant's having alone met a party of 40 Ameri-
can Soldiers, disarmed them, and brought them. Prisoners
into Boston. This he appeared to believe, and may there-
fore well believe the Lie you mention of the French Troops
& our Army killing each other. His believing such Fals-
hoods would be Less consequence, if he did not propagate
them by his Chronicle, in the last of which that I have seen
there are two lying letters said to be from New York of
April 13 but actually fabricated in London. In refutation
of his story of our quarrelling & fighting with the French
Troops I send you enclosed part of a Pennsylvania Journal
of May 7 which I wish you would give to him, and I doubt
not but he will have the Candour to publish it. It will there
appear authentically that the most perfect harmony sub-
sisted between them to the last. My Grandson presents
his Respects to you, as does Mr Hartley. We are all (Thanks
to God) well & hearty: But I am uneasy about Barney,
fearing he may be lost, and therefore beg you would as soon
as possible inform me if you know anything of his Arrival.
With great and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend,
Yours most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
Tell me everything you know about the Arrival & Recep-
tion of the News respecting the Peace, and whether it is true
that the Articles were kept some time secret, & why; for
we have received no intelligence from Government & know
not what to believe or think.
To Capt. Nath11 Falconer
at the Pennsylvania Coffee House
Birchin Lane
London.
1783] TO COAfTE DE VERGENNES 57
1424. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES ' (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, July. 4, 1783.
SIR,
I have the honour to communicate to your Excellency, by
Order of Congress, their Resolution of the 2d of May. It
will explain itself; and I can add no Arguments to enforce
the Request it contains, which I have not already urged with
an Importunity that nothing but a Sense of Duty could oblige
me to use, when I see so clearly that it is painful to you as
well as to me. I confide also much more in the Representa-
tion M. de la Luzerne has probably made to you on the Affair.
I will only say, that from a perfect Knowledge I have of
their present Situation, no Favour of the Kind from his
Majesty could ever be more essentially serviceable to the
United States, or make a more lasting Impression.
I send withal an Address the Congress has just made to
the several States, wherein you will see the Steps they are
taking to procure the necessary Funds, for answering all
Engagements; in which I have no doubt they will succeed.
Your Excellency will also see there, the Manner in which I
have written on the Subject ; and you will find that the Con-
tract of July last was ratified, and with Expressions of Grati-
tude, in January last, tho' the Original Ratification is not
yet come to hand
With great Respect, I am, Sir,
Your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1 There is an auto, draft of this letter in L. C. It is printed by Bigelow
but dated July 14. — ED.
58 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1425. TO HENRY LAURENS1 (P. c.)
Passy, July 6, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
We have been honoured with several of your Letters,
and we have talk'd of writing to you, but it has been de-
layed. I will therefore write a few Lines in my private
Capacity.
Our Negotiations go on slowly, every Proposition being
sent to England, and Answers not returning very speedily.
Captain Barney arrived here last Wednesday, & brought
Dispatches for us as late as the first of June. The Prelimi-
nary Articles are ratified. But General Carleton, in Vio-
lation of those Articles, has sent away a great number of
Negroes, alleging, that Freedom having been promised them
by a Proclamation, the Honour of the Nation was con-
cern'd, &c. Probably another Reason may be, that, if they
had been restor'd to their Masters, Britain could not have
hop'd any thing from such another Proclamation hereafter.
Mr. Hartley calPd yesterday to tell us, that he had receiv'd
a letter from Mr. Fox, assuring him that our Suspicions of
affected Delays or Change of System on their Side were
groundless; and that they were sincerely desirous to finish
as soon as possible. If this be so, and your health will per-
mit the Journey, I could wish your Return as soon as pos-
sible. I want you here on many Accounts, and should be
glad of your Assistance in considering and answering our
public Letters. There are Matters in them of which I can-
not conveniently give you an Account at present. Nothing
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. Simon Gratz. — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 59
could be more seasonable than Success in the Project you
proposed, but we have now very little expectation. Please
to give my love to your valuable and amiable son and
daughter, and believe me, with sincere esteem, and Affection,
Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1426. TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON (L. c.)
Passy, July 22, 1783.
SIR,
You have complain'd, sometimes with reason, of not hear-
ing from your foreign Ministers ; we have had cause to make
the same Complaint, six full Months having interven'd be-
tween the latest date of your preceding Letters and the re-
ceipt of those by Captain Barney. During all this time we
were ignorant of the Reception of the Provisional Treaty,
and the Sentiments of Congress upon it, which, if we had
received sooner, might have forwarded the Proceedings on
the Definitive Treaty, and, perhaps, brought them to a Con-
clusion at a time more favourable than the present. But
these occasional Interruptions of Correspondence are the in-
evitable Consequences of a State of War, and of such remote
Situations. Barney had a short Passage, and arrived some
Days before Colonel Ogden, who also brought Dispatches
from you, all of which are come safe to hand. We, the Com-
missioners, have in our joint Capacity written a Letter to
you, which you will receive with this.
I shall now answer yours of March 26, May 9, and May
3 1.1 It gave me great Pleasure to learn by the first, that the
1 See "Diplomatic Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. IV, pp. 84, 107, 109.— ED.
60 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
News of the Peace diffused general Satisfaction. I will not
now take upon me to justify the apparent Reserve, respect-
ing this Court, at the Signature, which you disapprove. We
have touch'd upon it in our general Letter.1 I do not see,
however, that they have much reason to complain of that
Transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their Prejudice, and
none of the Stipulations were to have Force, but by a sub-
sequent Act of their own. I suppose, indeed, that they have
not complain' d of it, or you would have sent us a Copy of
the Complaint, that we might have answer'd it. I long since
satisfied Comte de V. about it here. We did what appear'd
to all of us best at the Time, and, if we have done wrong,
the Congress will do right, after hearing us, to censure us.
Their Nomination of Five Persons to the Service seems to
mark, that they had some Dependence on our joint Judg-
ment, since one alone could have made a Treaty by Direc-
tion of the French Ministry as well as twenty.
I will only add, that, with respect to myself, neither the Let-
ter from M. Marbois,2 handed us thro' the British Negocia-
tors (a suspicious Channel), nor the Conversations respecting
the Fishery, the Boundaries, the Royalists, &c., recommend-
ing Moderation in our Demands, are of Weight sufficient in
my Mind to fix an Opinion, that this Court wish'd to restrain
us in obtaining any Degree of Advantage we could prevail
on our Enemies to accord ; since those Discourses are fairly
resolvable, by supposing a very natural Apprehension, that
1 See " Diplomatic Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. X. p. 187. — ED.
2 Marquis de Barbe-Marbois (1745-1837), secretary of the French legation,
at Philadelphia ; minister plenipotentiary in Germany ; major of Metz ;
President of "Conseil des Anciens" ; Conseiller d'Etat; directeur in 1801;
President of "Cour des Comptes " ; senator (1813) ; garde des Sceaux under
Louis XVIII ; member of the " Academie des Inscriptions."— ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 61
we, relying too much on the Ability of France to continue the
War in our favour, and supply us constantly with Money,
might insist on more Advantages than the English would be
willing to grant, and thereby lose the Opportunity of making
Peace, so necessary to all our Friends.
I ought not, however, to conceal from you, that one of my
Colleagues * is of a very different Opinion from me in these
Matters. He thinks the French Minister one of the greatest
Enemies of our Country, that he would have straitned our
Boundaries, to prevent the Growth of our People ; contracted
our Fishery, to obstruct the Increase of our Seamen; and
retained the Royalists among us, to keep us divided; that
he privately opposes all our Negociations with foreign Courts,
and afforded us, during the War, the Assistance we receiv'd,
only to keep it alive, that we might be so much the more
weaken 'd by it ; that to think of Gratitude to France is the
greatest of Follies, and that to be influenced by it would ruin
us. He makes no Secret of his having these Opinions, ex-
presses them publicly, sometimes in presence of the English
Ministers, and speaks of hundreds of Instances which he
could produce in Proof of them. None of which however,
have yet appear'd to me, unless the Conversations and Letter
above-mentioned are reckoned such.
If I were not convinc'd of the real Inability of this Court
to furnish the further Supplys we ask'd, I should suspect these
Discourses of a Person in his Station might have influenced
the Refusal; but I think they have gone no farther than to
occasion a Suspicion, that we have a considerable Party of
Antigallicans in America, who are not Tories, and conse-
quently to produce some doubts of the Continuance of our
1 John Adams. — ED.
62 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Friendship. As such Doubts may hereafter have a bad
Effect, I think we cannot take too much care to remove them ;
and it is, therefore, I write this, to put you on your guard,
(believing it my duty, tho' I know that I hazard by it a mortal
Enmity), and to caution you respecting the Insinuations of
this Gentleman against this Court, and the Instances he
supposes of their ill will to us, which I take to be as imaginary
as I know his Fancies to be, that Count de V. and myself are
continually plotting against him, and employing the News-
Writers of Europe to depreciate his Character, &c. But
as Shakespear says, "Trifles light as Air," 1 &c. I am per-
suaded, however, that he means well for his Country, is
always an honest Man, often a wise one, but sometimes, and
in some things, absolutely out of his senses.
When the Commercial Article, mentioned in yours of the
26th was struck out of our propos'd Preliminaries by the
then British Ministry, the reason given was, that sundry
Acts of Parliament still in force were against it, and must
be first repeal'd, which I believe was really their Intention,
and sundry Bills were accordingly bro't in for that purpose ;
but, new Ministers with different Principles succeeding, a
commercial Proclamation totally different from those Bills
has lately appeared. I send enclosed a Copy of it. We shall
try what can be done in the Definitive Treaty towards setting
aside that Proclamation; but, if it should be persisted in, it
will then be a Matter worthy the attentive Discussion of
Congress, whether it will be most prudent to retort with a
similar Regulation in order to force its Repeal (which may
possibly tend to bring on another Quarrel), or to let it pass
without notice, and leave it to its own Inconvenience, or
1 "Othello," III, in, 222. — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 63
rather Impracticability, in the Execution, and to the Com-
plaints of the West India Planters, who must all pay much
dearer for our Produce, under those Restrictions.
I am not enough Master of the Course of our Commerce
to give an Opinion on this particular Question, and it does
not behove me to do it ; yet I have seen so much Embarrass-
ment and so little Advantage in all the Restraining and Com-
pulsive Systems, that I feel myself strongly inclin'd to be-
lieve, that a State, which leaves all her Ports open to all the
World upon equal Terms, will, by that means, have foreign
Commodities cheaper, sell its own Productions dearer, and
be on the whole the most prosperous. I have heard some
Merchants say, that there is 10 per cent Difference between
Will you buy ? and Will you sell ? When Foreigners bring
us their Goods, they want to part with them speedily, that they
may purchase their Cargoes and despatch their Ships, which
are at constant Charges in our Ports ; we have then the Ad-
vantage of their Will you buy ? And when they demand our
Produce, we have the Advantage of their Will you sell?
And the concurring Demands of a Number also contribute
to raise our Prices. Thus both those Questions are in our
favour at home, against us abroad.
The employing, however, of our own Ships and raising a
Breed of Seamen among us, tho' it should not be a matter
of so much private Profit as some imagine, is nevertheless
of political Importance, and must have weight in consider-
ing this Subject.
The Judgment you make of the Conduct of France in
the Peace, and the greater Glory acquired by her Moderation
than even by her Arms, appears to me perfectly just. The
Character of this Court and Nation seems, of late years, to
64 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
be considerably changed. The Ideas of Aggrandizement by
Conquest are out of fashion, and those of Commerce are more
enlightened and more generous than heretofore. We shall
soon, I believe, feel something of this in our being admitted
to a greater Freedom of Trade with their Islands. The Wise
here think France great enough ; and its Ambition at present
seems to be only that of Justice and Magnanimity towards
other Nations, Fidelity and Utility to its Allies.
The Ambassador of Portugal was much pleas'd with the
Proceedings relating to their Vessel, which you sent me, and
assures me they will have a good Effect at his Court. He
appears extremely desirous of a Treaty with our States; I
have accordingly propos'd to him the Plan of one (nearly the
same with that sent me for Sweden), and, after my agreeing
to some Alterations, he has sent it to his Court for Approba-
tion. He told me at Versailles, last Tuesday, that he ex-
pected its Return to him on Saturday next, and anxiously
desired that I would not despatch our Pacquet without it,
that Congress might consider it, and, if approv'd, send a
Commission to me or some other Minister to sign it.
I venture to go thus far in treating, on the Authority only
of a kind of general Power, given formerly by a Resolution
of Congress to Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee ; but a
special Commission seems more proper to compleat a
Treaty, and more agreable to the usual Forms of such Busi-
ness.
I am in just the same Situation with Denmark; that
Court, by its Minister here, has desired a Treaty with us.
I have propos'd a Plan formed on that sent me for Sweden;
it had been under Consideration some time at Copenhagen,
and is expected here this Week, so that I may possibly send
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 65
that also by this Conveyance. You will have seen by my
Letter to the Danish Prime Minister, that I did not forget
the Affair of the Prizes. What I then wrote, produc'd a
verbal Offer made me here, of £10,000 Sterling, propos'd to
be given by his Majesty to the Captors, if I would accept
it as a full Discharge of our Demand. I could not do this,
I said, because it was not more than a fifth Part of the Esti-
mated Value. In answer, I was told, that the Estimation
was probably extravagant, that it would be difficult to come at
the Knowledge of their true Value, and that, whatever they
might be worth in themselves, they should not be estimated
as of such Value to us when at Bergen, since the English prob-
ably watched them, and might have retaken them in their
Way to America ; at least, they were at the common Risques
of the Seas and Enemies, and the Insurance was a consider-
able Drawback; that this Sum might be considered as so
much sav'd for us by the King's Interference; for that, if
the English Claimants had been suffered to carry the Cause
into the common Courts, they must have recovered the
Prizes by the Laws of Denmark; it was added, that the
King's Honour was concern'd, that he sincerely desir'd our
Friendship, but he would avoid, by giving this Sum in the
Form of a Present to the Captors, the Appearance of its being
exacted from him as the Reparation of an Injury, when it
was really intended rather as a Proof of his strong Disposi-
tion to cultivate a good Understanding with us.
I reply'd, that the Value might possibly be exaggerated;
but that we did not desire more than should be found just upon
Enquiry, and that it was not difficult to learn from London
what Sums were insur'd upon the Ships and Cargoes, which
would be some Guide; and that a reasonable Abatement
VOL. IX — F
66 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
might be made for the risque ; but that the Congress could
not, in justice to their Mariners, deprive them of any Part
that was truly due to those brave Men, whatever Abatement
they might think fit to make (as a Mark of their Regard for
the King's Friendship) of the Part belonging to the publick;
that I had, however, no Instructions or Authority to make
any Abatement of any kind, and could, therefore, only
acquaint Congress with the Offer, and the Reasons that
accompanied it, which I promised to state fully and candidly
(as I have now done), and attend their Orders; desiring only
that it might be observ'd, we had presented our Complaint
with Decency, that we had charg'd no Fault on the Danish
Government, but what might arise from Inattention or Pre-
cipitancy, and that we had intimated no Resentment, but
had waited, with Patience and Respect, the King's Deter-
mination, confiding, that he would follow the equitable Dis-
position of his own Breast, by doing us Justice as soon as
he could do it with Conveniency ; that the best and wisest
Princes sometimes erred, that it belong'd to the Condition
of Man, and was, therefore, inevitable, and that the true
Honour in such Cases consisted, not in disowning or hiding
the Error, but in making ample Reparation; that, tho' I
could not accept what was offered on the Terms proposed,
our Treaty might go on, and its Articles be prepared and
considered, and, in the mean time, I hoped his Danish
Majesty would reconsider the Offer, and make it more ade-
quate to the Loss we had sustained. Thus that matter rests ;
but I hourly expect to hear farther, and perhaps may have
more to say on it before the Ship's Departure.
I shall be glad to have the Proceedings you mention re-
specting the Brig Providentia. I hope the Equity and Justice
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 67
of our Admiralty Courts respecting the Property of Strangers
will always maintain their Reputation; and I wish particu-
larly to cultivate the Disposition of Friendship towards us,
apparent in the late Proceedings of Denmark, as the Danish
Islands may be of use to our West India Commerce, while
the English impolitic Restraints continue.
The Elector of Saxony, as I understand from his Minister
here, has thoughts of sending one to Congress, and proposing
a Treaty of Commerce and Amity with us. Prussia has
likewise an Inclination to share in a Trade with America,
and the Minister of that Court, tho' he has not directly pro-
pos'd a Treaty, has given me a Pacquet of Lists of the several
Sorts of Merchandise they can furnish us with, which he
requests me to send to America for the Information of our
Merchants.
I have received no Answer yet from Congress to my Re-
quest of being dismiss'd from their Service. They should,
methinks, reflect, that if they continue me here, the Faults
I may henceforth commit, thro' the Infirmities of Age, will
be rather theirs than mine. I am glad my Journal afforded
you any Pleasure. I will, as you desire, endeavour to con-
tinue it. I thank you for the Pamphlet ; it contains a great
deal of Information respecting our Finances. We shall, as
you advise, avoid publishing it. But I see they are publish-
ing it in the English Papers. I was glad I had a copy authen-
ticated by the Signature of Secry Thomson, by which I could
assure M. de Vergennes, that the Money Contract I had
made with him was ratified by Congress, he having just
before express'd some uneasiness to me at its being so long
neglected. I find it was ratified soon after it was receiv'd,
but the Ratification, except in that Pamphlet, has not yet
68 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
come to hand. I have done my best to procure the farther
Loan directed by the Resolution of Congress. It was not
possible. I have written on that Matter to Mr. Morris.
I wish the rest of the Estimates of Losses and Mischiefs
were come to hand ; they would still be of Use.
Mr. Barclay has in his Hands the Affair of the Alliance
and Eon Homme Richard. I will afford him all the Assist-
ance in my Power, but it is a very perplex'd Business. That
Expedition, tho' for particular Reasons under American
Commissions and Colours, was carry'd on at the King's
expence, and under his Orders. M. de Chaumont was the
Agent appointed by the Minister of the Marine to make the
Outfit. He was also chosen by all the Captains of the Squad-
ron, as appears by an Instrument under their Hands, to be
their Agent, receive, sell, and divide Prizes, &c. The Crown
bought two of them at public Sale, and the Money, I under-
stand, is lodg'd in the Hands of a responsible Person at
L'Orient. M. de Chaumont says he has given in his Accounts
to the Marine, and that he has no more to do with the Affair,
except to receive a Ballance due to him. That Account,
however, is I believe unsettled, and the Absence of some of
the Captains is said to make another Difficulty, which re-
tards the Completion of the Business. I never paid or re-
ceiv'd any thing relating to that Expedition, nor had any other
Concern in it, than barely ordering the Alliance to join the
Squadron, at M. de Sartine's Request. I know not whether
the other Captains will not claim a Share in what we may
obtain from Denmark, tho' the Prizes were made by the
Alliance, when separate from the Squadron. If so, that is
another Difficulty in the way of making Abatement in our
Demand, without their Consent.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 69
I am sorry to find, that you have Thoughts of quitting the
Service. I do not think your Place can be easily well supply 'd .
You mention, that an entire new Arrangement, with respect
to foreign Affairs, is under Consideration. I wish to know
whether any Notice is likely to be taken in it of my Grandson.
He has now gone through an Apprenticeship of near seven
Years in the ministerial Business, and is very capable of
serving the States in that Line, as possessing all the Requisites
of Knowledge, Zeal, Activity, Language, and Address. He
is well lik'd here, and Count de Vergennes has express'd to
me in warm Terms his very good Opinion of him. The late
Swedish Ambassador, Count de Creutz, who has gone home
to be Prime Minister, desir'd I would endeavour to procure
his being sent to Sweden, with a public Character, assuring
me, that he should be glad to receive him there as our Minister,
and that he knew it would be pleasing to the King. The
present Swedish Ambassador has also propos'd the same thing
to me, as you will see by a Letter of his, which I enclose.1
One of the Danish Ministers, M. Walterstorff, who will prob-
ably be sent in a public Character to Congress, has also ex-
press'd his Wish, that my Grandson may be sent to Denmark.
But it is not my Custom to solicit Employments for myself,
or any of my Family, and I shall not do it in this Case. I
only hope, that if he is not to be employ'd in your new Arrange-
ment, I may be informed of it as soon as possible, that, while
I have Strength left for it, I may accompany him in a Tour
to Italy, returning thro' Germany, which I think he may
make to more Advantage with me than alone, and which I
have long promis'd to afford him, as a Reward for his faith-
ful Service, and his tender filial Attachment to me.
1 See letter to Baron de Stael, June 16, 1783. — ED.
7o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
July 25. While I was writing the above, M. Walterstorff
came in, and delivered me a Pacquet from M. de Rosen-
crone, the Danish Prime Minister, containing the Project
of the Treaty with some proposed Alterations, and a Paper
of Reasons in support of them. Fearing that we should not
have time to copy them, I send herewith the Originals, rely-
ing on his Promise to furnish me with Copies in a few Days.
He seemed to think, that the Interest of the Merchants is
concerned in the immediate Conclusion of the Treaty, that
they may form their Plans of Commerce, and wish'd to know
whether I did not think my general Power, above mentioned,
sufficient for that purpose. I told him, I thought a particular
Commission more agreable to the Forms ; but, if his Danish
Majesty would be content for the present with the general
Authority, formerly given me, I believ'd I might venture to
act upon it, reserving, by a separate Article, to Congress a
Power of shortning the Term, in Case any Part of the Treaty
should not be to their mind, unless the Alteration of such
Part should hereafter be agreed on.
The Prince de Deux-Ponts was lately at Paris, and ap-
ply'd to me for Information respecting a Commerce which
is desired between the Electorate of Bavaria and America.1
I have it also from a good Hand at the Court of Vienna,2 that
the Emperor is desirous of establishing a Commerce with us
from Trieste as well as Flanders, and would make a Treaty
with us, if propos'd to him. Since our Trade is laid open, and
no longer a Monopoly to England, all Europe seems desirous
of sharing in it, and for that purpose to cultivate our Friend-
ship. That it may be better known everywhere, what sort
of People, and what kind of Government they will have to
1 See letter to Prince des Deuxponts, June 14, 1783. — ED.
2 Dr. Jan Ingenhousz. — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 71
treat with, I prevailed with a Friend, the Due de Rochefou-
cauld, to translate our Book of Constitutions into French, and
I presented Copies to all the foreign Ministers. I send you
one herewith. They are much admired by the Politicians
here, and it is thought will induce considerable Emigrations
of substantial People from different Parts of Europe to
America. It is particularly a Matter of Wonder, that, in the
Midst of a cruel War raging in the Bowels of our Country,
our Sages should have the Firmness of Mind to sit down
calmly and form such compleat Plans of Government. They
add considerably to the Reputation of the United States.
I have mentioned above the Port of Trieste, with which
we may possibly have a Commerce, and I am told that many
useful Productions and Manufactures of Hungary may be
had extreamly cheap there. But it becomes necessary first
to consider how our Mediterranean Trade is to be protected
from the Corsaires of Barbary. You will see by the enclos'd
Copy of a Letter I receiv'd from Algiers, the Danger two of
our Ships escap'd last Winter. I think it not improbable
that those Rovers may be privately encouraged by the English
to fall upon us, to prevent our Interference in the Carrying
Trade ; for I have in London heard it is a Maxim among the
Merchants, that, if there were no Algiers, it would be worth
England's while to build one. I wonder, however, that the
rest of Europe do not combine to destroy those Nests, and
secure Commerce from their future Piracies.
I made the Grand Master of Malta a Present of one of
our Medals in Silver, writing him a Letter, of which I enclose
a Copy ; l and I believe our People will be kindly receiv'd in
1 See letter to Emmanuel Rohan, grand master of Malta, April 6, 1783. —
ED.
72 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
his Ports; but that is not sufficient; and perhaps, now we
have Peace, it will be proper to send Ministers, with suitable
Presents, to establish a Friendship with the Emperor of
Morocco, and the other Barbary States, if possible. Mr.
Jay will inform you of some Steps, that have been taken by a
Person at Alicant, without Authority, towards a Treaty with
that Emperor. I send you herewith a few more of the above-
mentioned Medals, which have given great Satisfaction to
this Court and Nation. I should be glad to know how they
are lik'd with you.
Our People, who were Prisoners in England, are now all
discharg'd. During the whole War, those who were in For-
ton prison, near Portsmouth, were much befriended by the
constant charitable Care of Mr. Wren, a Presbyterian Min-
ister there, who spared no Pains to assist them in their Sick-
ness and Distress, by procuring and distributing among them
the Contributions of good Christians, and prudently dispensing
the Allowance I made them, which gave him a great deal of
trouble, but he went through it chearfully. I think some
public Notice should be taken of this good Man. I wish the
Congress would enable me to make him a Present, and that
some of our Universities would confer upon him the Degree
of Doctor.1
The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our Friend
hi the House of Lords, is now here as Ambassador from Eng-
1 This suggestion was not overlooked. Congress sent him a vote of thanks
for his humane and benevolent attention to the American prisoners, which was
conveyed to him in a letter from the President. The degree of Doctor in
Divinity was conferred upon him by the College at Princeton, in New Jersey.
See letter to Hodgson, Dec. 10, 1783.
Dr. Thomas Wren died at Portsmouth, on the 3Oth of October, 1787, at the
age of sixty-three. A well-written obituary notice of him is contained in The
Gentleman1 s Magazine for November of that year. — ED.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 73
land. I dine with him to-day, (26th,) and, if any thing of
Importance occurs, I will add it in a Postcript. Be pleased
to present my dutiful Respects to the Congress, assure them
of my most faithful Services, and believe me to be, with great
and sincere Esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1427. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (p. A. E. E. u.)
A Passy, ce 24 Juillet, 1783.
M. Franklin a 1'honneur d'envoyer a Monsieur le Comte
de Vergennes un exemplaire des Constitutions des Etats
Unis de PAme'rique, qu'il le prie de vouloir bien accepter.
M. Franklin prend la liberte* d'envoyer en m^me temps
ceux destines pour le Roi et la Famille Royale ; et il prie Mon-
sieur le Comte de Vergennes de vouloir bien les faire par-
venir a leur destination, suivant la forme qui lui paroitra
convenable.
1428. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS (L. c.)
Passy, July 27, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden,1 and es-
teem myself much honoured by your friendly Remembrance.
1 Sir Charles Blagden (1748-1820), a physician who entered the army as a
medical officer. He was elected F. R. S. in 1772, and succeeded Matthew
Maty, as secretary of the Royal Society, May 5, 1784, a post of honour for
which he was indebted to his lifelong friend, Sir Joseph Banks. " Blagden,
sir," said Dr. Johnson, " is a delightful fellow." He died suddenly in Paris at
the house of the chemist Berthollet. — ED.
74 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
I have been too much and too closely engaged in public
Affairs, since his being here, to enjoy all the Benefit of his
Conversation you were so good as to intend me. I hope soon
to have more Leisure, and to spend a part of it in those
Studies, that are much more agreable to me than political
Operations.
I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of
Peace. I hope it will be lasting, and that Mankind will at
length, as they call themselves reasonable Creatures, have
Reason and Sense enough to settle their Differences without
cutting Throats; for, in my opinion, there never was a good
War, or a bad Peace. What vast additions to the Con-
veniences and Comforts of Living might Mankind have ac-
quired, if the Money spent in Wars had been employed in
Works of public utility ! What an extension of Agriculture,
even to the Tops of our Mountains: what Rivers rendered
navigable, or joined by Canals : what Bridges, Aqueducts,
new Roads, and other public Works, Edifices, and Improve-
ments, rendering England a compleat Paradise, might have
been obtained by spending those Millions in doing good,
which in the last War have been spent in doing Mischief ; in
bringing Misery into thousands of Families, and destroying
the Lives of so many thousands of working people, who
might have performed the useful labour !
I am pleased with the late astronomical Discoveries made
by our Society.1 Furnished as all Europe now is with
Academies of Science, with nice Instruments and the Spirit
of Experiment, the progress of human knowledge will be
rapid, and discoveries made, of which we have at present no
Conception. I begin to be almost sorry I was born so soon,
1 The Royal Society. — ED.
1783] NOTE ON LETTER OF THOMAS BARCLAY 75
since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will be
known 100 years hence.
I wish continued success to the Labours of the Royal Society,
and that you may long adorn their Chair; being, with the
highest esteem, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment
of a vast Globe sent up into the Air, much talked of here,
and which, if prosecuted, may furnish means of new knowl-
edge.
1429. NOTE BY BENJAMIN FRANKLIN UPON A
LETTER ADDRESSED TO HIM BY THOMAS
BARCLAY, JULY 28, 1783 l (P. A. E. E. u.)
WHEN the Ship Alliance belonging to the Congress was at
POrient, under the Command of Capt. Jones, Moylan and
C° Merchants there, were appointed to supply the Ship with
what was necessary during her stay.
1 The letter upon which the above is written is as follows : —
"Auteuil 28 July 1783.
" SIR,
" I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I received last post a
Letter from Mess? Schweighauser and Dobree of Nantes under whose care the
Arsenal belonging to the United States is placed, informing me that their Part-
ner at L'Orient Mess? Puchelberg and C°., had some months ago laid an
attachment on all the Arms and other Military supplies under the Care of
Mess? Schweighauser and Dobree.
"I need not inform your Excellency of the nature of the transaction, as it
fell immediately under your own inspection, but I beg leave to say that unless
Government passes some signal Censure on those persons who have brought the
Execution my office will be embarrass'd beyond description.
" I beg Sir you will lay the matter in its proper light before the Ministers,
76 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Capt. Landais taking Possession of the Ship surreptitiously
in the absence of Capt. Jones, apply'd to one Puchelberg, a
Commis of Mf Schweighauser, for some Provisions, who not
only without Orders either from me or Mr Schweighauser, but
contrary to express Orders from both, furnished the same,
pretending that Landais demanded them in the name and
on Account of the Navy-Board of Boston.
Payment was afterwards demanded of me, whichlrefus'd,
referring the Matter to the said Navy-Board. It was also
demanded of his Employer Schweighauser, who it seems ref us'd
also, probably because the Disbursement was made contrary
to Orders.
This Man, Puchelberg, has on this Account, arrested the
Property of the United States, in whose Hands soever he
could find any.
The Consul of the States complains of it as an Injury, and
an Insult. And it is certain, that great Inconveniencies will
follow, if such Proceedings are permitted, and if every man
who pretends a Demand against any Foreign Power, how-
ever ill-founded, may arrest the Effects of that Power in
France; for so the arms, ammunition, Clothing, &c., pur-
chased in France, and depended on for important Opera-
tions of Government, may be stopt by any private Person,
perhaps under Direction of an Enemy, and those Operations
defeated; and the United States can never hereafter with
safety make any such Purchases in France.
and obtain as soon as possible the dismission of this attachment and of those
laid on the Alliances prize money.
"These attachments have been held in suspence several months to the
great determent of the Public business under my care, and at the imminent
risk of a heavy loss in the final payment.
" I have the honor to be etc,
"THO? BARCLAY." — ED.
1783] TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL FALCONER 77
It is therefore submitted to consideration, whether the said
arrests ought not only to be immediately discharg'd, but the
Arrester punish'd for his Insolence.
B. F.
1430. TO CAPTAIN NATHANIEL FALCONER
(P. H. S.)
Passy, July 28, 1783.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your favour of the i8th.1
Capt. Barney brought us the Dispatches we so long ex-
pected. — M*. Deane as you observe is lost : D.r. Bancroft is
I believe steady to the Interest of his Country, and will make
an agreeable passenger if you can take him. You desire to
know something of the State of Affairs here. Everything
goes well with respect to this Court & the other Friendly
Powers. What England is doing, or means to do; or why
the Definitive Treaty is so long delay'd, I know perhaps less
than you do ; as, being in that Country, you may have Op-
portunities of hearing more than I can. For myself I am at
present as hearty & well as I have been these many years;
and as happy as a Man can be where everybody strives to
make him so.
The French are an amiable People to live with : They love
me, & I love them. Yet I do not feel myself at home, & I
wish to die in my own Country. — Barney will sail this Week
without Despatches. A good voyage to you, my friend ; and
may God bless you.
B. FRANKLIN.
Mn A. P. S.— Er>.
78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1431. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, August 16, 1783.
SIR,
I have the honour to inform your Excellency, that the
English ministry do not agree to any of the propositions that
have been made, either by us or by their minister here ; and
they have sent over a plan for the definitive treaty, which con-
sists merely of the preliminaries formerly signed, with a short
introductory paragraph, and another at the conclusion, con-
firming and establishing the said preliminary articles. My
colleagues seem inclined to sign this with Mr. Hartley, and so
to finish the affair. I am, with respect, Sir, your Excellency's,
&c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1432. TO HENRY LAURENS l (L. L.)
Passy, Aug. 21. 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I do not doubt but you have written to some one or other
of your Colleagues since your Arrival in England: and as
we have heard nothing from you, I thought it necessary by a
Line to inform you that none of your Letters are come to
Hand.
After making and sending over many Propositions of ours
and of M* Hartley's, and long Delays of Answers, it is come
finally to this, that the Ministers propose our signing as a
Definitive Treaty the Preliminary Articles, with no Alteration
1 Then at Bath. — ED.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 79
or Addition, except a Paragraph of Preamble setting forth
that the following Articles had been agreed to & a concluding
Paragraph confirming them. Thus I suppose the Affair will
be concluded. Wishing Health & Happiness to you & yours;
I am ever, with sincere & great Esteem, Dear Sir,
Your most obed. hum. Servt.
B. FRANKLIN.
1433. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS (u. of P.)
Passy, Aug. 30. 1783.
SIR,
On Wednesday the 27th Instant, the new aerostatic Ex-
periment, invented by Mess? Mongolfier of Annonay l was
repeated by Mr. Charles; Professor of Experimental Phi-
losophy at Paris.
A hollow Globe 12 feet diameter was formed of what is
called in England Oiled Silk, here Taffetas gommte, the Silk
being impregnated with a Solution of Gum-elastic in Lint-
seed Oil, as is said. The Parts were sewed together while
wet with the Gum, and some of it was afterwards passed over
the Seams, to render it as tight as possible.
It was afterwards filled with the inflammable Air that is
produced by pouring Oil of Vitriol upon Filings of Iron,
when it was found to have a Tendency upwards so strong as
to be capable of lifting a Weight of 39 Pounds, exclusive of
its own weight which was 25 Ib, and the Weight of the Air
contain'd.
It was brought early in the Morning to the Champ de Mars,
1 Stephen and Joseph Montgolfier, sons of Peter Montgolfier, a paper
maker at Annonay. — ED.
8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
a Field in which Reviews are sometimes made, lying between
the Military School and the River. There it was held down
by a Cord, till 5 in the Afternoon, when it was to be let loose.
Care was taken before the Hour to replace what Portion had
been lost of the inflammable Air, or of its Force, by injecting
more.
It is supposed that not less than 50,000 People were assem-
bled to see the Experiment. The Champ de Mars being
surrounded by Multitudes, and vast Numbers on the opposite
Side of the River.
At 5 o Clock Notice was given to the Spectators by the
Firing of two Cannon, that the Cord was about to be cut.
And presently the Globe was seen to rise, and that as fast as
a Body of 12 feet diameter with a force only of 39 pounds,
could be suppos'd to move the resisting Air out of its way.
There was some Wind, but not very strong. A little Rain
had wet it, so that it shone, and made an agreable Appear-
ance. It diminish'd in Apparent Magnitude as it rose, till it
enter 'd the Clouds, when it seem'd to me scarce bigger than
an Orange, and soon after became invisible, the Clouds
concealing it.
The Multitude separated, all well satisfied & much de-
lighted with the Success of the Experiment, and amusing
one another with Discourses of the various Uses it may pos-
sibly be apply'd to, among which many were very extrava-
gant. But possibly it may pave the Way to some Discoveries
in Natural Philosophy of which at present we have no Con-
ception.
A Note secur'd from the Weather had been affix'd to the
Globe, signifying the Time & Place of its Departure, and
praying those who might happen to find it, to send an Account
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 81
of its State to certain Persons at Paris. No News was heard
of it till the next Day, when Information was receiv'd, that it
fell a little after 6 oClock at Gonesse, a Place about 4 Leagues
distance ; and that it was rent open, and some say had Ice
in it. It is suppos'd to have burst by the Elasticity of the
contain'd Air when no longer compress'd by so heavy an
Atmosphere.
One of 38 feet Diameter is preparing by M. Mongolfier
himself at the Expence of the Academy, which is to go up in a
few Days. I am told it is constructed of Linen & Paper, and
is to be filled with a different Air, not yet made public, but
cheaper than that produc'd by the Oil of Vitriol of which
200 Paris Pints were consum'd hi filling the other.
It is said that for some Days after its being fill'd, the Ball
was found to lose an eighth Part of its Force of Levity in 24
Hours : Whether this was from Imperfection in the Tightness
of the Ball, or a Change in the Nature of the Air, Experiments
may easily discover.
I thought it my Duty, Sir, to send an early Account of this
extraordinary Fact, to the Society which does me the honour
to reckon me among its Members; and I will endeavour to
make it more perfect, as I receive farther Information.
With great Respect, I am, Sir,
[B. FRANKLIN.]
P. S.
Since writing the above, I am favoured with your kind Letter
of the 25^ I am much oblig'd to you for the Care you have
taken to forward the Transactions, as well as to the Council
for so readily ordering them on Application. — Please to
accept and present my Thanks.
I just now learn, that some Observers say, the Ball was 150
VOL. IX — G
82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
seconds in rising, from the Cutting of the Cord till hid in the
Clouds; that its height was then about 500 Toises, but,
mov'd out of the Perpendicular by the Wind, it had made a
Slant so as to form a Triangle, whose base on the Earth was
about 200 Toises. It is said the Country people who saw it
fall were frightened, conceiv'd from its bounding a little when
it touch'd the Ground, that there was some living Animal in
it, and attack'd it with Stones and Knives, so that it was
much mangled; but it is now brought to Town & will be
repaired. —
The great one of M. Mongolfier, is to go up as is said, from
Versailles, in about 8 or 10 Days. It is not a Globe but of a
different form, more convenient for penetrating the Air. It
contains 50,000 cubic Feet, and is supposed to have a Force
of Levity equal to 1500 pounds weight. A Philosopher here,
M. Pilatre de Rozier, has seriously apply'd to the Academy
for Leave to go up with it, in order to make some Experiments.
He was complimented on his Zeal and Courage for the Pro-
motion of Science, but advis'd to wait till the Management
of these Balls was made by Experience more certain & safe.
They say the filling of it in M. Mongolfier's Way will not cost
more than half a Crown. One is talk'd of to be no feet
Diameter. Several Gentlemen have ordered small ones to
be made for their Amusement; one has ordered four of 15
feet diameter each; I know not with what Purpose; but
such is the present Enthusiasm for promoting & improving
this Discovery, that probably we shall soon make consider-
able Progress in the Art of constructing and Using the
Machines. —
Among the Pleasantries Conversation produces on this
Subject, some suppose Flying to be now invented, and that
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 83
since Men may be supported in the Air, nothing is wanted
but some light handy Instruments to give and direct Motion.
Some think Progressive Motion on the Earth may be ad-
vanc'd by it, and that a Running Footman or a Horse slung
& suspended under such a Globe so as to leave no more of
Weight pressing the Earth with their Feet, than perhaps 8 or
10 Pounds, might with a fair Wind run in a straight Line
across Countries as fast as that Wind, and over Hedges,
Ditches, & even Waters. It has been even fancied that in
time People will keep such Globes anchored in the Air, to
which by Pullies they may draw up Game to be preserved
in the Cool, & Water to be frozen when Ice is wanted. And
that to get Money, it will be contrived to give People an
extensive view of the Country, by running them upon an
Elbow Chair a Mile high for a Guinea, &c. &c.
[A Pamphlet is printing in which we are to have a full and
perfect Account of the Experiments hitherto made, & I will
send it to you. M. Mongolfier's Air to fill the Globe has
hitherto been kept secret. Some suppose it to be only com-
mon Air heated by passing thro' the Flame of burning Straw,
& thereby extreamly rarified. If so its Levity will soon be
diminished by Condensation when it comes into the cooler
Regions above.
Sept. 2d. — I add this paper just now given me, B. F.
The print contains a view of Champ de Mars, and the ball
in the air with this subscription:
Experience de la machine ae"rostatique de Me88r8' de Mont-
golfier, d'Anonai en Vivarais, re*epe*te*e a Paris le 27 Aout. 1783
au Champ de Mars, avec un ballon de taffetas enduit de
gomme elastique, de 36 pieds 6 onces de circonference. Le
ballon plein d'air inflammable a e*te* executd par Mons.
84 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Robert, en vertu d'une souscription Rationale, sous la di-
rection de Mr. Faujas de Saint Fond (et M. Charles).
N. B. — M. Charles' name is wrote with pen, not en-
graved.
Calculas du Ballon do 12 pieds de diametre enleve* le
Mercredy 27 Aout 1783.
Circonference du grand cercle ... 37 pieds
Diametre 12
74
37
Surface 444
Tiers du rayon 2
Solidite 888 pieds cubes
Air atm. a 12 gros le pied .... 12
1776
888
Pesanteur de 1'air atm 10,656 gros
26 f 8 /i6
ounces
25> 1 1332 • /83 lb-» 4 ounces.
6 52
L'air atmospherique dont le ballon occupait la place,
pesant 83 Ib. 4 onces et sa force pour s'elever etant de 40 Ib.
il falloit que son enveloppe et Pair inflammable qu'elle conten-
oit ne pesassent que 42 Ib. 4 onces. L'enveloppe en pesoit
25, reste pour 1'air inflammable 18 Ib. 4 onces.
En supposant le ballon de 6 pieds de diametre, son volume
etant le 8me, du ier le poids de 1'air dont il occupoit la place
seroit le 8me, de 83 Ib., 4 onces = 10 Ib., 6 onces, 4 gros.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 85
L'air inflammable \ de 18 lb., 4 onces = 2 lb., 4 onces, 4 gros.
L'enveloppe \ de 25 lb., = 6 lb., 4 onces. Les dernieres
valeurs reunies sont 8 lb., 8 onces, 4 gros, qui otes de 10 lb.,
6 onces, 4 gros pesanteur de Pair atmospherique dont le
ballon occupoit la place, laisse pour sa force d 'elevation i lb.,
14 onces.] *
1 The paragraphs in brackets are not found in the draft in U. of P., but they
exist in a letter press copy now owned (March, 1906) by Dodd, Mead & Co.
To this letter Sir Joseph Banks wrote in reply, September 13, 1783 (A. P. S.) : —
" DEAR SIR,
" The having it in my power to answer with precision the numerous questions
which are asked me by all sorts of people concerning the aerostatique experi-
ment which such as they may be are suggested by every newspaper now printed
here and considered as a part of my duty to answer is an obligation for which
I am indebted to you and an obligation of no small extent I consider it. I
lament that the vacation of the Royal Society will not permit me to lay your
paper before them as a Body immediately ; but it shall be the first thing they
see when we meet again as the conciseness & intelligence, with which it is
drawn up, preclude the hopes of any thing more satisfactory being receiv'd.
" Most agreable are the hopes you give me of continuing to communicate
on this most interesting subject. I consider the present day, which has opened
a road into the air, as an epoche from whence a rapid increase of the stock of
real knowledge with which the human species is furnish'd must take its date;
and the more immediate effect it will have upon the concerns of mankind
greater than any thing since the invention of shipping which opened our way
upon the face of the water from land to land. If the rough effort which has
now been made meets with the improvement that other sciences have done
we shall see it used as a counterpoise to absolute gravity a broad-wheeld
waggon travelling with 2 only instead of 8 horses the breed of that Rival
animal in course diminishd & the human species increasd in proportion.
" I have thought as soon as I return from my present banishment of con-
structing one and sending it up for the purpose of an electrical kite a use to
which it seem particularly adapted. Be pleased to direct your Favors to Soho
Square ; they are sent to me without delay wherever I am. Believe me, your
obliged & obedient servant Jos: BANKS."
Sir Joseph Banks's letters are almost entirely without punctuation. He
seems to have been especially hostile to the comma. Like Timothy Dexter
he might have filled a page with miscellaneous points and invited his readers
"to pepper the dish to suit themselves." — ED.
86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1434. TO ELIAS BOUDINOT * (D. s. w.)
Passy, August 31, 1783.
SIR,
After a continued course of treating for nine months, the
English ministry have at length come to a resolution to lay
aside, for the present, all the new propositions, that have
been made and agreed to, their own as well as ours ; and they
offer to sign again as a Definitive Treaty, the articles of
November the 3oth, 1782, the ratifications of which have
already been exchanged. We have agreed to this, and on
Wednesday next, the third of September, it will be signed,
with all the definitive treaties, establishing a general peace,
which may God long continue. I am, with great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1435. TO CHARLES J. FOX (L. c.)
Passy, Sept. 5, 1783.
SIR,
I received in its time the letter you did me the honour of
writing to me by Mr. Hartley ; and I cannot let him depart
without expressing my satisfaction in his conduct towards us,
and applauding the prudence of that choice, which sent us a
man possessed of such a spirit of conciliation, and of all that
frankness, sincerity, and candor, which naturally produce
confidence, and thereby facilitate the most difficult negocia-
tions. Our countries are now happily at peace, on which I
congratulate you most cordially ; and I beg you to be assured,
1 President of Congress. — ED.
1783] TO DAVID HARTLEY 87
that as long as I have any concern in public affairs, I shall
readily and heartily concur with you in promoting every
measure that may tend to promote the common felicity.
With great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honour
to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.1
1436. TO DAVID HARTLEY 2 (p. c.)
Passy, Sept. 6, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you wou'd assure
him, that my expressions of Esteem for him are not mere
professions. I really think him a Great Man, and I cou'd not
think so, if I did not think he was at bottom, and wou'd
prove himself a good one. Guard him against mistaken
notions of the American people. You have deceived your-
selves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage
1 The above letter was written in acknowledgment of the following letter
from Charles James Fox, April 19, 1783: —
" SIR,
" Although it is unnecessary for me to introduce to your acquaintance a
gentleman so well known to you as Mr. Hartley, who will have the honour
of delivering to you this letter, yet it may be proper for me to inform you, that
he has the full and entire confidence of his Majesty's ministers upon the sub-
ject of his mission.
" Permit me, Sir, to take this opportunity of assuring you how happy I
should esteem myself, if it were to prove my lot to be the instrument of com-
pleting a real and substantial reconciliation between two countries, formed by
nature to be in a state of friendship one with the other, and thereby to put the
finishing hand to a building, in laying the first stone of which I may fairly
boast that I had some share. I have the honour to be, with every sentiment
of regard and esteem, Sir, &c. C. J. Fox." — ED.
2 From a copy in the possession of Mrs. L. Z. Leiter. A trans, exists in
L. C. Passages in brackets are found only in L. C. trans. — ED.
88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
from our little discontents. We are more thoroughly an
enlightned people, with respect to our political interests,
than perhaps any other under heaven. Every man among us
reads, and is so easy in his circumstances as to have leisure
for conversations of improvement, and for acquiring Infor-
mation. Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have
them, are of small extent, tho' monstrously magnified by
your microscopic newspapers. He who judges from them,
that we are falling into anarchy, or returning to the obedience
of Britain, is like one who being shewn some spots in the Sun,
shou'd fancy, that the whole Disk would soon be overspread
by them, and that there wou'd be an end of Daylight. The
great body of Intelligence among our people surrounds and
overpowers our petty dissensions, as the Sun's great mass of
fire diminishes and destroys his Spots. Do not therefore
any longer delay the Evacuation of New York, in the vain
hopes of a new revolution in your favour, if such a hope has
indeed had any effect in causing that delay. [It is now nine
months since the evacuations were promised.] You expect
with reason, that the people of New York should do your
Merchants justice in the payment of their old debts; Con-
sider the injustice you do them in keeping them so long out
of their habitations, and out of their business, by which they
might have been enabled to make payment.
There is no truth more clear to me than this, that the great
interest of our two Countries is a thorough reconciliation.
Restraints on the freedom of Commerce and intercourse
between us, can afford no advantage equivalent to the Mis-
chief they will do by keeping up ill humour, and promoting a
total alienation. Let you and I, my dear Friend, do our best
towards securing and advancing that reconciliation. We
1783] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 89
can do nothing, that in a dying hour will afford us more solid
satisfaction.
[I wish you a prosperous journey, and a happy sight of
your friends. Present my best respects to your good brother
and sister, and] believe me ever, with sincere and great
esteem, yours affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1437. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (p. c.)
Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind Letter of the Qth past. I am glad,
that the little Books are pleasing to you and your Children,
and that the Children improve by them. I send you here-
with some more of them.
My grandson Bache has been four Years at School at Ge-
neva, and is but lately come home to me here. I find Rea-
son to be satisfied with the Improvement he has made in his
Learning. He translates common Latin readily into French,
but his English has suffer'd for want of Use ; tho' I think he
would readily recover it, if he were awhile at your School at
Cheam, and at the same time be going on with his Latin and
Greek. You were once so kind as to offer to take him under
your Care; would that be still convenient to you? He is
docile and of gentle Manners, ready to receive and follow good
Advice, and will set no bad Example to your other Children.
He gains every day upon my Affections.
I long much to see you and yours, and my other Friends
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
9o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
in England, but I have not yet determined on the Journey.
Our definitive Treaty of Peace being now sign'd, I have in-
deed less to confine me here, and might make a short Excur-
sion without much Inconvenience; but short Days and
Winter are coming on, and I think I can hardly undertake
such an Expedition before the Spring of next Year.
With regard to the future Establishment of your Children,
which you say you want to consult me about, I am still of
Opinion, that America will afford you more Chances of doing
it well than England. All the means of good Education are
plenty there, the general Manners are simple and pure, Temp-
tations to Vice and Folly fewer, the Profits of Industry in
Business as great and sure as in England; and there is one
Advantage more, which your Command of Money will give
you there, I mean the laying out a Part of your Fortune in
new Land, now to be had extreamly cheap ; but which must
be increas'd immensely in Value, before your Children come
of Age, by the rapid Population of the Country. If you
should arrive there while I live, you know you may depend
on every Assistance in my Power to afford you, and I think
my Children will have a Pleasure too in serving their Father's
Friend. I do not offer it as a Motive, that you will be much
esteem'd and respected there ; for that you are, and must be,
everywhere; but give me leave to flatter myself, that my
being made happier in my last Years by your Neighbourhood
and Society may be some Inducement to you.
I forwarded your Letter to Mr. Williams. Temple is
always with me, being my Secretary. He presents his Re-
spects to you. I have been lately ill with a Fit of the Gout,
if that may indeed be called a Disease. I rather suspect it
to be a Remedy, since I always find my Health and Vigour of
1783] TO JOHN JAY 91
Mind improv'd after the Fit is over. I am ever, my dear
Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. You say you are a little afraid that our Country is
spoiled. Parts of it have indeed suffered by the War, those
situated near the Sea : but the body of the Country has not
been much hurt, and the Fertility of our Soil, with the In-
dustry of our People, now that the Commerce of all the World
is open to us, will soon repair the Damages receiv'd, and in-
troduce that Prosperity, which we hope Providence intends
for us, since it has so remarkably favoured our Revolution.
1438. TO JOHN JAY1
Passy, September 10, 1783.
SIR,
I have received a letter from a very respectable person in
America, containing the following words, viz.
"It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by
some among us, that the Court of France was at the bottom
against our obtaining the fishery and territory in that great
extent, in which both are secured to us by the treaty ; that our
minister at that court favoured, or did not oppose, this design
against us; and that it was entirely owing to the firmness,
sagacity, and disinterestedness of Mr. Adams, with whom Mr.
Jay united, that we have obtained these important advan-
tages." 2
1 Printed in "Diplomatic Correspondence " (Sparks), Vol. II, p. 482 ; and
in "Life of John Jay" (W™ Jay), Vol. II, p. 125. — ED.
2 This extract is from a letter written by Dr. Cooper of Boston, and dated
May 5th, 1 783. In a preceding paragraph, Dr. Cooper says : " There is a party
92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
It is not my purpose to dispute any share of the honour
of that treaty, which the friends of my colleagues may be dis-
posed to give them; but, having now spent fifty years of my
life in public offices and trusts, and having still one ambition
left, that of carrying the character of fidelity at least to the
grave with me, I cannot allow that I was behind any of them
in zeal and faithfulness. I therefore think, that I ought not
to suffer an accusation, which falls little short of treason to my
country, to pass without notice, when the means of effectual
among us disposed to avail themselves of every incident, and of all personal
resentments, to weaken and divide our public counsels, and injure the alliance.
Regard to the general good, as well as private and the most constant friend-
ship, oblige me to state things as they are." Then comes the extract in the
text. Dr. Cooper adds : " It has also been said, from the same quarter, that
the court of France secretly traversed Mr. Adams's views in Holland for
obtaining from the United Provinces an acknowledgment of our indepen-
dence; and that the same part has been acted in Spain and Russia. All these
things are incredible to me ; and, though they make some impression at present,
truth is great and will prevail. Care, I hope, will be taken both at Congress
and in Europe, as far as public prudence will permit, to state, as soon as may
be, these matters in a just light, and to prevent the public mischiefs, as well as
private injuries, that may arise from misapprehensions in matters of this
moment."
A copy of the whole of this letter was sent by Dr. Franklin to Count de
Vergennes, and it is now contained among the American papers in the
Archives des Affaires Etrangeres at Paris. Dr. Franklin likewise sent to Con-
gress a copy of his correspondence with Messrs. Jay and Adams on this sub-
ject. M. de la Luzerne, in writing to Count de Vergennes some months after-
wards, said : " Dr. Franklin has at last aroused himself from the apathy with
which till now he seems to have regarded the attacks of his colleagues. He
has sent to Congress the copy of the letter, which he had written to Mr. Jay
and Mr. Adams, requesting these two ministers to explain themselves respect-
ing a report, which had gone abroad, that he did not unite in procuring for the
United States admission to the fisheries, and that he was disposed to con-
clude a treaty of peace without securing this advantage to the eastern States.
Mr. Jay, in his letter to Dr. Franklin, renders full justice to him on this point,
and affirms in a positive manner, that he concurred with a zeal equal to his
intelligence and experience in all the articles of the peace." — S.
1783] TO JOSIAH QUINCY 93
vindication are at hand. You, Sir, were a witness of my con-
duct in that affair. To you and my other colleagues I appeal,
by sending to each a similar letter with this, and I have no
doubt of your readiness to do a brother Commissioner justice,
by certificates that will entirely destroy the effect of that
accusation. I have the honour to be, with much esteem, &C.1
B. FRANKLIN.
1439. TO JOSIAH QUINCY ' (p. c.)
Passy, September u, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Mr. Storer told me, not long since, that you complained of
my not writing to you. You had reason, for I find among
your Letters to me two unanswered, viz, those of May 25,
and Dec. 17. 1781. The truth is, I have had too much Busi-
ness to do for the publick, and too little Help allowed me ; so
that it became impossible for me to keep up my private Cor-
respondences. I promised myself more Leisure when the
Definitive Treaty of Peace should be concluded. But that
it seems is to be followed by a Treaty of Commerce, which
will probably take up a good deal of Time, and require much
Attention. I seize this little Interim to sit down and have
a little Chat with my Friends in America.
I lament with you the many Mischiefs, the injustices, the
Corruption of Manners, &c., &c., that attended a depreciating
Currency. It is some Consolation to me, that I wash'd my
1 A copy of this letter was sent to Mr. Adams. Replies were received from
Mr. Adams, September 13, 1783, and Mr. Jay, September n, 1783, the sub-
stance of which will be found in Volume X of this edition. — ED.
a From the original in the possession of Josiah P. Quincy, Esq. — ED.
94 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Hands of that Evil by predicting it in Congress, and proposing
Means, that would have been effectual to prevent it if they
had been adopted. Subsequent Operations that I have
executed, demonstrate that my Plan was practicable. But
it was unfortunately rejected. Considering all our Mistakes
and Mismanagements, it is wonderful we have finished our
Affair so well, and so soon. Indeed, I am wrong in using
that Expression, We have finish' d our Affairs so well. Our
Blunders have been many, and they serve to manifest the
Hand of Providence more clearly in our Favour; so that we
may much more properly say, These are thy Doings, O Lord,
and they are marvellous in our Eyes.
Mr. Storer, whom you recommended to me is now in Eng-
land. He needed none of the Advice you desired me to give
him. His Behaviour here was unexceptionable, and he
gained the Esteem of all that knew him.
The epitaph on my dear and much esteemed young Friend,1
is too well written to be capable of Improvement by any Cor-
rections of mine. Your Moderation appears in it, since the
natural affection of a Parent has not induced you to exag-
gerate his Virtues. I shall always mourn his Loss with you ;
a Loss not easily made up to his Country.
How differently constituted was his noble and generous
Mind from that of the miserable Calumniators you mention !
Having Plenty of Merit in himself, he was not jealous of the
Appearance of Merit in others, but did Justice to their
Characters with as much Pleasure as these People do Injury.
It is now near two Years since your Friendship induced you to
acquaint me with some of their Accusations. I guess'd easily
at the Quarter from whence they came ; but, conscious of my
1 Josiah Quincy, Junior. — ED.
1783] TO JOSIAH QUINCY 95
Innocence, and unwilling to disturb public Operations by
private Resentments or Contentions, I pass'd them over in
Silence; and have not, till within these few days, taken the
least Step towards my Vindication. Inform'd that the Prac-
tice of abusing me continues, and that some heavy Charges
are lately made against me respecting my Conduct in the
Treaty, written from Paris and propagated among you, I
have demanded of all my Colleagues that they do me Justice,
and I have no doubt of receiving it from each of them. I did
not think it necessary to justify myself to you, by answering
the Calumnies you mentioned. I knew you did not believe
them. It was improbable, that I should at this Distance
combine with anybody to urge the Redemption of the Paper
on those unjust Terms, having no Interest in such Redemp-
tion. It was impossible, that I should have traded with the
Public Money, since I had not traded with any Money, either
separately or jointly with any other Person, directly or indi-
rectly, to the Value of a Shilling since my being in France.
And the Fishery, which it was said I had relinquished, had
not then come in question, nor had I ever dropt a Syllable
to that purpose in word or writing; but was always firm in
this Principle, that, having had a common Right with the
English to the Fisheries while connected with that Nation, and
having contributed equally with our Blood and Treasure in
conquering what had been gained from the French, we had
an undoubted Right on breaking up our Partnership, to a
fair Division. As to the two Charges of Age and Weakness, I
must confess the first, but I am not quite so clear in the latter;
and perhaps my Adversaries may find that they presumed
a little too much upon it, when they ventur'd to attack me.
But enough of these petty Personalities. I quit them to
96 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
rejoice with you, in the PEACE God has blest us with, and in
the Prosperity it gives us a prospect of. The Definitive Treaty
was signed the third instant. We are now Friends with
England and with all Mankind. May we never see another
War ! for in my opinion there never was a good War, or a bad
Peace. Adieu, believe me ever, my dear Friend, yours most
affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1440. TO ELIAS BOUDINOT (L. c.)
Passy, Sept 13, 1783.
SIR,
I received, a few Days since, the private Letter your Ex-
cellency did me the honour of writing to me of the 8th of June.
I regret with you the Resignation of the late Secretary. Your
present Cares are encreas'd by it, and it will be difficult to find
a Successor of equal Abilities.
We found no difficulty in decyphering the Resolution of
Congress. The Commissioners have taken no Notice of it hi
our public Letter.
I am happy that both the Device and Workmanship of the
Medal are approoved with you, as they have the good Fortune
to be by the best Judges on this Side the Water. It has been
esteemed a well-tim'd, as well as a well-merited Compliment
here, and has had good Effects. Since the two first which
you mention as received, I have sent by different Opportuni-
ties so many, as that every Member of Congress might have
one. I hope they are come safe to hand before this time.
I wrote a long Letter to Mr. Livingston by Mr. Barney, to
which I beg leave to refer, inclosing a Copy.
1783] TO ELIAS BOUDINOT 97
We had, before signing the Definitive Treaty, receiv'd the
Ratification of the preliminary Articles by his Britannic Maj-
esty, exchang'd with us by Mr. Hartley for that of the Con-
gress. I send herewith a Copy of the first and last Clauses.
In a former Letter, I mentioned the volunteer Proceedings
of a Merchant at Alicant, towards obtaining a Treaty between
us and the Emperor of Morocco. We have since receiv'd a
Letter from a Person l who says, as you will see by the Copy
enclos'd, that he is sent by the Emperor to be the Bearer of
his Answer to the United States, and that he is arriv'd in
Spain on his way to Paris. He has not yet appear'd here, and
we hardly know what Answer to give him. I hope the send-
ing a Minister to that Court, as recommended in my last,
has been taken into Consideration, or at least that some
Instructions respecting that Nation have been sent to your
Minister in Spain, who is better situated than we are for
such a Negotiation.
The Minister from Denmark often speaks to me about
the propos'd Treaty, of which a Copy went by Barney. No
Commission to sign it, nor any Instructions from Congress
relating to it, are yet arriv'd; and, tho' press'd, I have not
ventur'd to do any thing further in the Affair.
I forward herewith a Letter to the Congress from the City
of Hamburgh.2 I understand that a good Disposition towards
us prevails there, which it may be well to encourage.
No answer has yet been given me from the Court of Portu-
gal, respecting the Plan of a Treaty concerted between its
Ambassador here and me. He has been unwell and much in
the Country, so that I have not seen him lately. I suspect
1 Giacomo Crocco. — ED.
« See M Diplomatic Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. IV, p. 88. — ED.
VOL. IX — H
98 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
that the false or exaggerated Reports of the distracted Situa-
tion of our Government, industriously propagated thro'out
Europe by our Enemies, have made an Impression in that
Kingdom to our Disadvantage, and inclined them to hesitate
in forming a connection with us. Questions asked me, and
Observations made by several of the foreign Ministers here,
convince me, that the idle Stories of our Disunion, Contempt
of Authority, Refusal to pay Taxes, &c. ; have been too
much credited, and been very injurious to our Reputation.
I sent before a Copy of the Letter I wrote to the Grand
Master of Malta,1 with a present of our Medal. With this
you will have a Copy of his Answer. I send also a Copy of a
Note I received from the Pope's Nuncio.2 He is very civil
on all Occasions, and has mention'd the Possibility of an ad-
vantageous Trade America might have with the Ecclesiastical
State, which he says has two good Ports, Civita Vecchia, and
This Court continues favourable to us. Count de Ver-
gennes was resolute in refusing to sign the Definitive Treaty
with England before ours was signed. The English Ministers
were offended, but comply'd. I am convinc'd that Court
will never cease endeavouring to disunite us. We shall, I
hope, be constantly on our Guard against those Machinations ;
for our Safety consists in a steady adherence to our Friends,
and our Reputation in a faithful Regard to Treaties, and in a
grateful Conduct towards our Benefactors.
I send herewith sundry Memorials recommended to my
1 See letter dated April 6, 1783. — ED.
2 For the reply of the Pope's Nuncio, July 28, 1783 (D. S. W.), see
" Diplomatic Correspondence " (Wharton), Vol. VI, p. 614. — ED.
3 Name not given in draft. — ED.
1783] TO RICHARD PRICE 99
Care by M. le Comte de Vergennes, viz. one respecting a
Claim of Messi'rs Fosters, of Bordeaux, one of M. Pecquet,
and one of M. Bayard. The Congress will take such Notice
of them as they shall think proper. With great Esteem and
Respect, I have the Honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1441. TO RICHARD PRICE (L. c.)
Passy, Near Paris, Sept. 16, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND: — Having this Opportunity by Mr.
Bingham,1 who has the Honour of being known to you, I
seize it to thank you for your excellent Book, and other
Favours, and to let you know that I continue well, except a
little Gout, which perhaps is no more a disease than a Remedy.
Mr. Petrie inform'd me of your being also well with Mrs.
Price lately at Brighthelmstone, which gave me great Pleas-
ure : Please to present my affectionate Respects to that good
Lady.
All the Conversation here at present turns upon the Bal-
loons fill'd with light inflammable Air, and the means of
managing them, so to give men the Advantage of Flying. One
is to be let off on Friday next at Versailles, which it is said will
be able to carry up 1000 pounds' weight — I know not whether
inclusive or exclusive of its own.
I have sent an Account of the former to Sir Joseph Banks,
our President, and shall be glad to hear if the Experiment
is repeated with Success in England. Please to forward him
the enclos'd Print.
1 U. S. Commercial agent at Martinique. — ED.
100 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Inflammable Air puts me in mind of a little jocular Paper
I wrote some years since in ridicule of a prize Question given
out by a certain Academy on this side the Water, and I enclose
it for your Amusement. On second Thoughts, as it is a
mathematical Question, and perhaps I think it more trifling
than it really is, and you are a Mathematician, I am afraid
I have judg'd wrong in sending it to you. Our Friend, Dr.
Priestly, however, who is apt to give himself Airs, and has a
kind of Right to every thing his Friends produce upon that
Subject, may perhaps like to see it, and you can send it to
him without reading it.1
We have at length sign'd our preliminary Articles as defini-
tive. All the Additions we have been so long discussing,
being referred to a future Treaty of Commerce. I have now
a little Leisure, and long to see and be merry with the Club,
but I doubt I cannot undertake the Journey before Spring.
Adieu, and believe me ever, my dear Friend, yours most
affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.
They make small Balloons now of the same material with
what is called Gold-beater's Leaf. Inclos'd I send one, which
being fill'd with inflammable Air by my Grandson, went up
last Night, to the Cieling in my Chamber, and remained
rolling about there for some time. Please give it also to Sir
Joseph Banks. If a Man should go up with one of the large
ones, might there not be some mechanical Contrivance to
compress the Globe at pleasure; and thereby incline it to
descend, and let it expand when he inclines to rise again?
1 In reference to Franklin's bagatelle upon " Perfumes." Dr. Price replied :
" Mr. Dagge bro't me your paper on a mathematical prize question, proposed
by the Royal Academy of B[russels]. I conrey'd this to Dr. Priestley, and we
have been entertained with the pleasantry of it, and the ridicule it contains."
— ED.
1783] FROM ROBESPIERRE TO FRANKLIN 101
1442. TO ELIAS BOUDINOT (D. s. w.)
Passy, September 27, 1783.
SIR,
Mr. Thaxter, late Secretary of Mr. Adams, who is charged
with all our Dispatches, that were intended to go by the
French packet Boat, writes from L'Orient, that tho' he ar-
rived there two days before the time appointed for her Sailing,
he missed reaching her by four hours ; but another light Ves-
sel was fitting, and would sail the 2ist Instant, in which he
hoped to arrive at New York nearly as soon as the Packet.
We shall send Duplicates by the next from hence.
In the mean time I inclose a printed Copy of the definitive
Treaty, which I hear is ratified. Indeed we have the Rati-
fication of the Preliminaries.
Mr. Hartley, when he left us, expected to return in three
weeks, in order to proceed with us in forming a Treaty of
Commerce. The new Commission that was intended for us
is not yet come to hand. With great Respect, I have the
honour to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
1443. FROM MAXIMILIEN-MARIE-ISIDORE
ROBESPIERRE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN1
(U. OF P.)
MONSIEUR
Une sentence de proscription rendue par les echevins de St. Omer centre
les conducteurs 61ectriques m'a presente 1'occasion de plaider au conseil
d'Artois la cause d'une decouverte sublime, dont le genre humain vous est
redevable. Le desir de contribuer a deraciner les prejuges qui s'opposoient
a ses pr ogres dans notre province m'a porte a faire imprimer le plaidoyer que
1 See supra, Vol. I, p. 105. — ED.
102 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
j'ai prononce dans cette affaire. J'ose espirer, Monsieur, que vous daignerer
recevoir avec bonte un exemplaire de cet ouvrage, dont Pobjet etoit d'engager
mes concitoiens a accepter un de vos bienfaits; heureux d'avoir pu Stre utile
a mon pays, en determinant ses premiers magistrats a accueillir cette im-
portante decouverte; plus heureux encore si je puis joindre a cet avantage
Phonneur d'obtenir le suffrage d'un homme dont le moindre merite est d'etre
le plus illustre scavant de 1'univers.
J'ai I'honneur d'Stre avec respect
Monsieur
Votre tres humble
et tres obeissant serviteur
A Arras le I 8bre 1783 de Robespierre, avocat
au conseil d'Artois.
1444. TO SIR EDWARD NEWENHAM1
Passy, Oct. 2, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I have just received your very kind letter of the i6th past.
I rejoice sincerely to hear of your safe return to your own coun-
try, family, and friends, and of the success of your election.
It is a pleasing reflection, arising from the contemplation
of our successful struggle, and the manly, spirited, and unani-
mous resolves at Dungannon, that liberty, which some years
since appeared in danger of extinction, is now regaining the
ground she had lost, that arbitrary governments are likely
to become more mild and reasonable, and to expire by degrees,
giving place to more equitable forms ; one of the effects this
of the art of printing, which diffuses so general a light, aug-
menting with the growing day, and of so penetrating a nature,
that all the window-shutters despotism and priestcraft can
oppose to keep it out, prove insufficient.
In answer to your question respecting what may be neces-
1 From " The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin," Vol. I,
p. 454- — ED.
1783] TO THOMAS BRAND HOLLIS 103
sary to fix a trade between Ireland and America, I may ac-
quaint you between ourselves, that there is some truth in the
report you may have heard, of our desiring to know of Mr.
Hartley whether he was empowered or instructed to include
Ireland in the treaty of commerce proposed to us, and of his
sending for instructions on that head, which never arrived.
That treaty is yet open, may possibly be soon resumed ; and
it seems proper, that something should be contained in it to
prevent the doubts and misunderstandings that may here-
after arise on the subject, and secure to Ireland the same ad-
vantages in trade that England may obtain. You can best
judge whether some law or resolution of your Parliament
may not be of use towards gaining that point.
My grandson joins me in wishes of every kind of felicity
for you, Lady Newenham, and all your amiable family. God
bless you, and give success to your constant endeavours for
the welfare of your country. With true and great respect and
esteem, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1445. TO THOMAS BRAND HOLLIS1
(L. C.)
Passy, near Paris, Octor 5, 1783.
Sm,
I received but lately (tho* sent in June) your most valuable
present of the Memoirs of Thomas Hollis, Esf, who was
truly, as you describe him in your letter, "a good Citizen of
the World, and a faithful Friend of America." America,
1 Thomas Brand, upon inheriting the property of Thomas Hollis, assumed
the name of Hollis. The Memoirs of Thomas Hollis were published by Francis
Blackburne (1780). — ED.
io4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
too, is extremely sensible of his Benevolence and great Benefi-
cence towards her, and will ever revere his Memory. These
Volumes are a Proof of what I have sometimes had occasion
to say, in encouraging People to undertake difficult Public
Services, that it is prodigious the quantity of Good that may be
done by one Man, if he will make a Business of it. It is
equally surprizing to think of the very little that is done by
many; for, such is the general Frivolity of the Employments
and Amusements of the rank we call Gentlemen, that every
Century may have seen three successions of a set of a thousand
each, in every kingdom of Europe, (Gentlemen too, of equal
or superior Fortune,) no one of which sets, in the course of
their lives, has done the good effected by this Man alone !
Good, not only to his own nation, and to his cotemporaries,
but to distant Countries, and to late Posterity ; for such must
be the effect of his multiplying and distributing Copies of the
Works of our best English Writers, on Subjects the most
important to the Welfare of Society.
I knew him personally but little. I sometimes met with
him at the Royal Society and the Society of Arts; but he
appeared shy of my acquaintance, tho he often sent me valu-
able Presents, such as Hamilton's Works,1 Sidney's Works,
&c., which are now among the most precious ornaments of
my Library. We might possibly, if we had been more intimate,
have concerted some useful operations together ; but he loved
to do his good alone and secretly ; and I find besides, in perus-
ing these Memoirs, that I was a doubtful Character with him.
1 There is here probably a fault of memory in regard to the name of the
author ; or perhaps an error of the press. The work alluded to, may have
been "Toland's Life of Milton," an elegant edition of which was published by
Thomas Hollis. — S.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 105
I do not respect him less for his Error ; and I am obliged to
the Editors for the Justice they have done me. They have
made a little mistake in page 400, where a Letter, which ap-
peared in a London Paper, January yth, 1768, is said to have
been written by Mr. Adams. It was written by me, and is re-
printed in Mr. Vaughan's Collection of my Political Pieces,
p. 231. This Eratum is of no great importance, but may be
corrected in a future Edition.
I see Mr. Hollis had a Collection of curious Medals. If
he had been still living, I should certainly have sent him one
of the Medals that I have caused to be struck here. I think
the countenance of my Liberty would have pleased him.
I suppose you possess the Collection, and have the same
taste. I beg you therefore to accept of one of these Medals
as a mark of my Respect, and believe me to be, with sincere
esteem, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
1446. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS (u. OF p.)
Passy, Oct. 8, 1783
SIR,
The Publick were promis'd a printed particular Account
of the Rise & Progress of the Balloon Invention, to be pub-
lish'd about the End of last Month. I waited for it, to send
it to you expecting it would be more satisfactory than any thing
I could write ; but it does not yet appear. We have only at
present the enclos'd Pamphlet which does not answer the
Expectation given us. I send you with it some Prints. That
of the Balloon lately rais'd at Versailles is said to be an exact
Representation. I was not present, but am told it was fill'd
in about ten minutes by means of burning Straw. Some say
106 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Water was thrown into the Flame, others that it was Spirits
of Sal Volatile. It was suppos'd to have risen about 200
Toises : But did not continue long at that height, was car-
ried horizontally by the Wind and descended gently as the Air
within grew cooler. So vast a Bulk when it began to rise so
majestically in the Air, struck the Spectators with Surprise
and Admiration. The Basket contain'd a Sheep, a Duck
& a Cock, who except the Cock received no Hurt by the Fall.
The Duke de Crillon made a Feast last Week in the Bois
de Boulogne just by my Habitation, on Occasion of the Birth
of two Spanish Princes. After the Fireworks, we had a
Balloon of about 5 feet Diameter, fill'd with permanent in-
flammable Air. It was dismiss'd about One o' Clock in the
Morning. It carried under it a large Lanthorn with Inscrip-
tions on its Sides. The Night was quite calm and clear, so
that it went right up. The Appearance of the Light dimin-
ish'd gradually till it appear'd no bigger than one of the
Stars, and in about 20 minutes I lost sight of it entirely. It
fell the next Day on the other side of the same Wood near the
Village Boulogne, about half after 12, having been suspended
in the Air n hours and a half. It lodg'd in a Tree, and was
torn in getting it down; so that it cannot be ascertain'd
whether it burst when above or not, tho' that is suppos'd.
Smaller Repetitions of the Experiment are making every
day in all Quarters. Some of the larger Balloons that have
been up, are preparing to be sent up again, in a few Days ;
but I do not hear of any material Improvements yet made
either in the mechanical or chemical Parts of the Operation.
Most is expected from the new one undertaken upon Subscrip-
tion by Messieurs Charles & Robert, who are Men of Science
and mechanical Dexterity. It is to carry up a Man. I send
1783] TO DAVID HARTLEY 107
you enclos'd the Proposals, which it is said are already
subscribed to by a considerable Number, and likely to be
carried into Execution. If I am well at the Time, I
purpose to be present, being a Subscriber myself, and shall
send you an exact Account of Particulars.
With great Esteem and Respect for yourself and the
Society ; I have the honour to be,
Sir,
1447. TO DAVID HARTLEY1 (p. c.)
Passy Oct 16, 1783
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have nothing material to write to you respecting public
affairs, but I cannot let Mr. Adams who will see you go with-
out a line, to inquire after your welfare, to inform you of
mine, & to assure you of my constant respect and attachment.
I think with you, that your Quaker article is a good one,
and that men will in time have sense enough to adopt it, but
I fear that time is not yet come.
What would you think of a proposition, if I sh'd make it,
of a family compact between England, France, and America?
America wd be as happy as the Sabine Girls, if she cd be the
means of uniting in perpetual peace her father and her hus-
band. What repeated follies are these repeated wars ! You do
not want to conquer & govern one another. Why then sh'd
you continually be employed in injuring & destroying one
another? How many excellent things might have been done
to promote the internal welfare of each country ; what Bridges,
roads, canals, and other usefull public works & institutions,
1 From the private collection of Mrs. L. Z. Leiter. — ED.
io8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
tending to the common felicity, might have been made and
established with the money and men foolishly spent during
the last seven centuries by our mad wars in doing one another
mischief! You are near neighbours, and each have very
respectable qualities. Learn to be quiet and to respect each
other's rights. You are all Christians. One is The Most
Christian King, and the other Defender of the Faith. Mani-
fest the propriety of these titles by your future conduct. " By
this," says Christ, "shall all men know that ye are my Dis-
ciples, if ye love one another." "Seek peace, and ensue it."
Adieu.
Yours most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
1448. TO EDWARD NAIRNE
Passy, October 18, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I received your favour of August 14th,1 by Mr. Sykes, with
the book of directions for using your patent electric machine.
The machine itself is also come to hand in good order, after
some delay on the road ; and I think it very ingeniously con-
trived indeed ; I wish your success in the sale may be equal
to its merits. The experiments in your pamphlet gave me
pleasure, and I shall be glad to see the account you mention
of the shortening of wires by lightning.
What you have heard of the eyes of sheep forced out by a
stroke of lightning which killed them, puts me in mind of hav-
ing formerly seen at Philadelphia six horses all killed by light-
ning in a stable, every one of whom appeared to have bled at
1 This letter is in A. P. S. — ED.
1783] TO DAVID HARTLEY 109
the eyes, nose, and mouth ; though I do not recollect that any
of their eyes were out.1
You are so good as to consider how much my time has been
taken up, and to excuse on that account my being a bad corre-
spondent. Near three years ago I began a letter to you on the
subject of hygrometers. I had written three folio pages of it,
when I was interrupted by some business ; and, before I had
time to finish it, I had mislaid it. I have now found it, and,
having added what I suppose I had intended to add, I enclose
it. You can judge better than myself, whether my idea of
such an instrument is practicable and may be useful.
If you favour me with another line, let me know how Mrs.
Nairne does, and your amiable children. With great esteem,
&c. B. FRANKLIN.
1449. TO DAVID HARTLEY2
Passy, Oct. 22, 1783.
I received my dear friend's kind letter of the 4th instant
from Bath with your proposed temporary convention, which
you desire me to show to my colleagues. They are both by
this time in London, where you will undoubtedly see and con-
1 " I have lately met with a circumstance of the effects of Lightning which I
never heard of before. My authority is part of a letter from the Duke of
Marlborough to Professor Hornby of Oxford, who is now at Ramsgate for his
Health, where he read it to me. A Gentleman told the Duke that in the Storm
of Lightning which happened lately in Oxfordshire he had several of his Sheep
killed under a Tree. I think it was thirteen, & that when they came to examine
them, they found that everyone of them had the Balls of their Eyes forced out."
(Nairne). — ED.
a From " The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin," Vol. II, p.
408. — ED.
no THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
verse with them on the subject. The apprehension you men-
tion, that the cement of the confederation may be annihilated,
&c., has not, I think, any foundation. There is sense enough
in America to take care of their own china vase.1 I see much
in your papers about our divisions and distractions, but I
hear little of them from America ; and I know that most of
the letters, said to come from there with such accounts,
are mere London fictions. I will consider attentively the
proposition above mentioned, against the return of my col-
leagues, when I hope our commission will have arrived.
I rejoice to hear that your dear sister's recovery advances,
and that your brother is well. Please to present my affection-
ate respects to them, and believe me ever yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1450. TO ELIAS BOUDINOT (L. c.)
Passy, Nov. i, 1783.
SIR,
Inclosed is a copy of my last, which went by the English
Pacquet. I heard after I wrote it, that, the French Packet
putting back by contrary winds, Mr. Thaxter had an oppor-
tunity of getting on board her, and that she sailed the 26th of
September.
The mentioned new Commission is not yet come to hand.
Mr. Hartley is not returned, and I hear will stay for the meet-
ing of Parliament, which is to be the nth instant, and not
come hither till the Recess of the Christmas Holidays. Mr.
Jay went to England about three weeks since on some per-
1 A reference to Franklin's familiar comparison of the British Empire to a
China vase : 'twere a great pity to break it. — ED.
1783] TO ELI AS BOUDINOT in
sonal affairs ; and Mr. Adams followed last week to see that
Country, and take some Exercise during the vacancy of
Business.
This Court is now at Fontainebleau, but will return to Ver-
sailles in a few days. Its good Disposition towards us con-
tinues. The late failure of payment in the Caisse d'Escompte,
an institution similar to the Bank of England, occasioned
partly by its having gone too far in assisting the government
with Money, and the Inability of the Government to support
their Credit, tho extremely desirous of doing it, is a fresh Proof
that our not obtaining a farther Loan was not occasioned
by want of Good will to assist us, as some have unjustly sup-
posed, but by a real want of the Means. Money is at present
unaccountably scarce here; what is arrived and expected in
Spain since the Peace, it is thought, will set things to rights.
The Govern* has proposed a second Lottery for this year, by
which they borrow 24 Millions, and it filled readily. This
helps, and the Caisse d'Escompte goes on again with its
operations; but it is said the Interest paid by the Lottery
Plan is nearly 7 per cent.
I have received the Duplicates of your Excellency's Letter
of the i $th July, to the Commissioners, which is very satis-
factory, tho' it came to hand but lately. The first, sent vid
New York, has not yet appeared. I have sent Copies of it
to the Hague and Madrid. The substance is published in
several Papers.
I have acquainted the Minister of Sweden, that I have
received the Ratification of the Treaty; and he has writ-
ten to me, that he shall be in town in a few days, when he
will make the Exchange. The conclusion of the Danish
Treaty waits only for the Commission and Instructions from
ii2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Congress. The Ambassador of Portugal informed me lately,
that his Court had our proposed Plan under Consideration,
and that we should soon hear from them. I sent it to Con-
gress by Barney, and hear the Ship is arrived. A Commis-
sion and Instructions will be wanting for that also, should the
Congress be disposed to conclude a Treaty with that Nation.
I see by the Public Prints that the Congress have ratified
the Contract I made with the Minister here, respecting the
Loans and Aids we had received ; but the Ratification itself,
tho' directed to be sent me, has never come to hand, and I
am often asked for it. I beg it may be forwarded by the first
opportunity.
There has been with me lately M. Pierre du Calvet, a
Merchant of Montreal, who, when our army was in Canada,
furnished our Generals and Officers with many things they
wanted, taking their Receipts and Promisory notes for pay-
ment; and, when the English repossessed the Country, he
was imprisoned, and his Estate seized, on account of the ser-
vices he had rendered us. He has shown me the Originals
of his Papers, which I think are genuine. He produced also
a quantity of Congress Paper, which he says he received in pay-
ment for some of the Supplies, and which appeared to me of
our first Emissions, and yet all fresh and clean, as having
passed thro' no other hands. When he was discharged from
Prison, he could not obtain permission to go into the United
States to claim the Debt, but was allowed to go to England ;
and from thence he came hither to sollicit payment from me.
Having no authority to meddle with such Debts, and the sum
being considerable, I refused, and advised him to take Pas-
sage for America, and make his application to Congress. He
said he was grown old, much broken and weakned by near
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 113
three years* Imprisonment, and that the voyage from Canada
to London had like to have been too much for him, he being
sick all the Way ; so that he could not think of another, tho'
Distressed for want of his Money. He appears an honest
Man, and his case a hard one. I have therefore undertaken
to forward his Papers, and I beg leave to recommend them
to the speedy Consideration of Congress, to whom I request
you would be pleased to present my dutiful respects, and
assure them of my most faithful Services. With great
Esteem and Regard, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1451. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS (u. of p.)
Passy, Nov. 21, 1783 —
DEAR SIR,
I received your friendly Letter of the 7th Inst. I am glad
my Letters respecting the Aerostatic Experiment were not un-
acceptable. But as more perfect Accounts of the Construc-
tion and Management of that Machine have been and will
be published before your Transactions, and from which Ex-
tracts may be made that will be more particular & therefore
more satisfactory, I think it best not to print those Letters.
I say this in answer to your Question for I did not indeed write
them with a view of their being inserted. M. Faujas de St.
Fond acquainted me yesterday, that a Book on the Subject
which has been long expected, will be publish'd in a few Days,
and I shall send you one of them. Enclos'd is a Copy of the
Proces verbal taken of the Experiment made yesterday in the
Garden of the Queen's Palace la Muette where the Dauphin
now resides, which being near my House I was present. This
VOL. IX — I
ii4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Paper was drawn up hastily, & may in some Places appear
to you obscure; therefore I shall add a few explanatory
Observations.
This Balloon was larger than that which went up from Ver-
sailles, and carried the Sheep, &c. Its Bottom was open,
and in the middle of the Opening was fix'd a kind of Basket
Grate in which Faggots and Sheaves of Straw were burnt.
The Air rarified in passing thro' this Flame rose in the Bal-
loon, swell'd out its Sides & fill'd it.
The Persons who were plac'd in the Gallery made of
Wicker, and attach'd to the Outside near the Bottom, had
each of them a Post thro' which they could pass Sheaves of
Straw into the Grate to keep up the Flame, & thereby keep
the Balloon full. When it went over our Heads, we could see
the Fire which was very considerable. As the Flame slack-
ens, the rarified Air cools and condenses, the Bulk of the Bal-
loon diminishes and it begins to descend. If these in the
Gallery see it likely to descend in an improper Place they can,
by throwing on more Straw, & renewing the Flame, make it
rise again, and the Wind carries it farther.
La Machine poussee par le Vent s'est dirigZe sur une des
Allies du Jardin. That is, against the Trees of one of the
Walks. The Gallery hitch'd among the top Boughs of those
Trees which had been cut and were stiff, while the Body of the
Balloon lean'd beyond & seem'd likely to overset. I was
then in great Pain for the Men, thinking them in danger of
being thrown out, or burnt; for I expected that the Bal-
loon being no longer upright, the Flame would have laid
hold of the Inside that lean'd over it. But by means of some
Cords that were still attach'd to it, it was soon brought up-
right again, made to descend, & carried back to its place. It
was however much damag'd.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 115
Planant sur I'Horizon. When they were as high as they
chose to be, they made less Flame, and suffer'd the Ma-
chine to drive horizontally with the Wind, of which however
they felt very little, as they went with it, and as fast. They
say they had a charming View of Paris & its Environs, the
Course of the River, &c. but that they were once lost, not
knowing what Part they were over, till they saw the Dome
of the Invalids, which rectified their Ideas. Probably while
they were employ'd in keeping up the Fire, the Machine
might turn, and by that means they were desorienU as the
French call it.
There was a vast Concourse of Gentry in the Garden, who
had great Pleasure in seeing the Adventures go off so chear-
fully, & applauded them by clapping, &c. but there was at
the same time a good deal of Anxiety for their Safety. Mul-
titudes in Paris saw the Balloon passing; but did not know
there were Men with it, it being then so high that they could
not see them.
Developant du Gaz. That is, in plain English, burning
more Straw; for tho' there is a little Mystery made, concern-
ing the kind of Air with which the Balloon is filFd I conceive
it to be nothing more than hot Smoke or common Air rari-
fy'd, — tho' in this I may be mistaken ; —
Ayant encore dans leur Galerie le deux tiers de leur appro-
visionment. That is, their Provision of Straw; of which
they carried up a great Quantity. It was well that in the
hurry of so hazardous an Experiment, the Flame did not hap-
pen by any accidental Mismanagement to lay hold of this
Straw; tho' each had a Bucket of Water by him, by way of
Precaution.
One of these courageous Philosophers, the Marquis d'Ar-
Ii6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
landes, did me the Honour to call upon me in the Evening
after the Experiment with Mr. Mongolfier the very ingenious
Inventor. I was happy to see him safe. He inform'd me
they lit gently without the least Shock, and the Balloon was
very little damag'd.
[This method of filling the balloon with hot air is cheap
and expeditious, and it is supposed may be sufficient for cer-
tain purposes, such as elevating an engineer to take a view
of an enemy's army, works, etc., conveying intelligence into
or out of a besieged town, giving signals to distant places, or
the like.
[The other method of filling a balloon with permanently
elastic inflammable air, and then closing it, is a tedious opera-
tion, and very expensive ; yet we are to have one of that kind
sent up in a few days. It is a globe of twenty-six feet diameter.
The gores that compose it are red and white silk, so that it
makes a beautiful appearance. A very handsome triumphal
car will be suspended to it, in which Messrs. Robert, two
brothers, very ingenious men, who have made it in concert
with Mr. Charles, propose to go up. There is room in
this car for a little table to be placed between them, on which
they can write and keep their journal ; that is, take notes of
everything they observe, the state of their thermometer, ba-
rometer, hygrometer, etc., which they will have more leisure
to do than the others, having no fire to take care of. They
say they have a contrivance which will enable them to de-
scend at pleasure. I know not what it is, but the expense of
this machine, filling included, will exceed, it is said, ten thou-
sand livres.
[This balloon of only twenty-six feet diameter, being filled
with air ten times lighter than common air, will carry up a
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 117
greater weight than the other, which though vastly bigger,
was filled with an air that could scarcely be more than twice
as light. Thus the great bulk of one of these machines, with
the short duration of its power, and the great expense of fill-
ing the other, will prevent the invention being of so much use
as some may expect, till chemistry can invent a cheaper light
air producible with more expedition.
[By the emulation between the two parties running high, the
improvement in the construction and management of the bal-
loons has already made a rapid progress, and one cannot say
how far it may go. A few months since the idea of witches
riding thro* the air upon a broomstick, and that of philoso-
phers upon a bag of smoke, would have appeared equally
impossible and ridiculous.
[These machines must always be subject to be driven by
the winds. Perhaps mechanic art may find easy means to
give them progressive motion in a calm, and to slant them
a little in the wind.
[I am sorry this experiment is totally neglected in England,
where mechanic genius is so strong. I wish I could see the
same emulation between the two nations as I have seen the
two parties here. Your philosophy seems to be too bashfuL
In this country we are not so much afraid of being laughed at.
If we do a foolish thing, we are the first to laugh at it ourselves,,
and are almost as much pleased with a bonmot or a good
chanson, that ridicules well the disappointment of a project,
as we might have been with its success. It does not seem
to me a good reason to decline prosecuting a new experiment
which apparently increases the power of a man over matter,
till we can see to what use that power may be applied. When
we have learnt to manage it, we may hope some time or other
Ii8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
to find use for it, as men have done for magnetism and elec-
tricity, for which the first experiments were mere matters of
amusement.
[This experiment is by no means a trifling one. It may be
attended with important consequences that no one can fore-
see. We should not suffer pride to prevent our progress in
science.
[Beings of a frank and [sic] nature far superior to ours have
not disdained to amuse themselves with making and launch-
ing balloons, otherwise we should never have enjoyed the light
of those glorious objects that rule our day and night, nor have
had the pleasure of riding round the sun ourselves upon the
balloon we now inhabit.
[With great and sincere esteem, I am, dear sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Nov. 25th. — The proce*s verbal to which this letter
relates went by last post. I have now got the within men-
tioned book, but it being too bulky to send by post, I shall
try to get it forwarded to you by the Duke of Manchester's
courier, who goes usually on Thursdays. I enclose one of
the plates of it, which gives a perfect representation of the
last great balloon. You can put it in its place when you
receive the book. B. F.] l
1 The paragraphs enclosed in brackets are not found in the draft in U. of
P., but exist in a letter press copy now (March, 1906) owned by Dodd, Mead,
& Co. — ED.
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 119
1452. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS l (P. c.)
Passy, December i. 1783.
DEAR SIR : — In mine of yesterday I promised to give you
an account of Messrs. Charles & Robert's experiment, which
was to have been made this day, and at which I intended to
be present. Being a little indisposed, and the air cool, and
the ground damp, I declined going into the garden of the
Tuileries, where the balloon was placed, not knowing how
long I might be obliged to wait there before it was ready to
depart, and chose to stay in my carriage near the statue of
Louis XV., from whence I could well see it rise, and have an
extensive view of the region of air through which, as the wind
sat, it was likely to pass. The morning was foggy, but about
one o'clock the air became tolerably clear, to the great satis-
faction of the spectators, who were infinite, notice having
been given of the intended experiment several days before in
the papers, so that all Paris was out, either about the Tuileries,
on the quays and bridges, in the fields, the streets, at the win-
dows, or on the tops of houses, besides the inhabitants of all
the towns and villages of the environs. Never before was a
philosophical experiment so magnificently attended. Some
guns were fired to give notice that the departure of the balloon
was near, and a small one was discharged, which went to an
amazing height, there being but little wind to make it deviate
from its perpendicular course, and at length the sight of it was
lost. Means were used, I am told, to prevent the great bal-
loon's rising so high as might endanger its bursting. Several
1 Letter press copy in possession of Dodd, Mead, & Co. — ED.
120 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
bags of sand were taken on board before the cord that held
it down was cut, and the whole weight being then too much
to be lifted, such a quantity was discharged as to permit its
rising slowly. Thus it would sooner arrive at that region
where it would be in equilibrio with the surrounding air,
and by discharging more sand afterwards, it might go higher
if desired. Between one and two o'clock, all eyes were grati-
fied with seeing it rise majestically from among the trees,
and ascend gradually above the buildings, a most beautiful
spectacle. When it was about two hundred feet high, the
brave adventurers held out and waved a little white pen-
nant, on both sides their car, to salute the spectators, who re-
turned loud claps of applause. The wind was very little,
so that the object though moving to the northward, continued
long in view; and it was a great while before the admiring
people began to disperse. The persons embarked were Mr.
Charles, professor of experimental philosophy, and a zealous
promoter of that science ; and one of the Messieurs Robert,
the very ingenious constructors of the machine. When it
arrived at its height, which I suppose might be three or four
hundred toises, it appeared to have only horizontal motion.
I had a pocket-glass, with which I followed it, till I lost sight
first of the men, then of the car, and when I last saw the bal-
loon, it appeared no bigger than a walnut. I write this at
seven in the evening. What became of them is not yet known
here. I hope they descended by daylight, so as to see and
avoid falling among trees or on houses, and that the experiment
was completed without any mischievous accident, which the
novelty of it and the want of experience might well occasion.
I am the more anxious for the event, because I am not well
informed of the means provided for letting themselves down,
1783] TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS 121
and the loss of these very ingenious men would not only
be a discouragement to the progress of the art, but be a sensi-
ble loss to science and society.
I shall enclose one of the tickets of admission, on which the
globe was represented, as originally intended, but is altered
by the pen to show its real state when it went off. When the
tickets were engraved the car was to have been hung to the
neck of the globe, as represented by a little drawing I have
made in the corner.
I suppose it may have been an apprehension of danger in
straining too much the balloon or tearing the silk, that
induced the constructors to throw a net over it, fixed to a
hoop which went round its middle, and to hang the car to
that hoop.
Tuesday morning, December 2d. — I am relieved from my
anxiety by hearing that the adventurers descended well near
L'Isle Adam before sunset. This place is near seven leagues
from Paris. Had the wind blown fresh they might have gone
much farther.
If I receive any further particulars of importance, I shall
communicate them hereafter.
With great esteem, I am, dear sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Tuesday evening. — Since writing the above I have
received the printed paper and the manuscript containing
some particulars of the experiment, which I enclose. I hear
further that the travellers had perfect command of their car-
riage, descending as they pleased by letting some of the in-
flammable air escape, and rising again by discharging some
sand ; that they descended over a field so low as to talk with
122 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
the labourers in passing, and mounted again to pass a hill.
The little balloon falling at Vincennes shows that mounting
higher it met with a current of air in a contrary direction, an
observation that may be of use to future aerial voyagers.
1453. TO HENRY LAURENS (L. c.)
Passy, Dec. 6. 1783.
DEAR SIR : — I received your kind Letter of the 28th past,
and I send you herewith the anonymous Brussels Letter, as
you desire.1 When I had last the Pleasure of seeing you at
Passy, I forgot to mention to you that Mr. Ridley, soon after
your Departure for the south of France, calPd upon me with
a Request that I would let him see that Letter, and then that
I would let him take it home with him, which I comply'd
with, understanding it was to show it to Mr. Adams. Some
Days after he acquainted me that the Handwriting was like
that of M. de Neufville's Clerk, and propos'd to have it com-
pared with some of Neufville's Letters in my Possession, which
at his Desire I lent him. When he return'd them he remarked
some Similarities, which I did not think very striking. What
appeared most so to me at the time was the very long Stroke
or Dash of the Pen across the Top of the small /, thus /, tho'
I did not think that conclusive; and I have since observed
it to be a more general Practice in Writing than I imagin'd.
I indeed seldom make that Mark to my *'s, except when they
are double ; Yet I find when I do make it, it is nearly as long
as in the Brussels Letter; and I see in your last that you do
1 The letter from Charles de Weissenstein. — ED.
1783] TO HENRY LAURENS 123
the same, the Dash sometimes passing over the whole word in
which the / is placed. I saw neither Mr. Barclay nor Mr.
Adams on that Occasion, but Mr. Ridley only. I suppose the
Opinion you mention as pronounc'd, might be by them at
Auteuil. I enclose the other anonymous, and the two Letters
of Neufville, that you may compare them and judge for
yourself.
We think of nothing here at present but of Flying ; the Bal-
loons engross all Conversation. Messrs. Charles and Robert
made a Trip last Monday thro' the Air to a Place farther dis-
tant than Dover is from Calais ; and could have gone much
farther if there had been more Wind and Daylight. They
have perfect Command of the Machine, descending and rising
again at pleasure. The Progress made in the Management
of it has been rapid, yet I fear it will hardly become a common
Carriage in my time, tho' being the easiest of all Voitures it
would be extreamly convenient to me, now that my Malady
forbids the Use of the old ones over a Pavement.
The kind Enquiry made respecting me by the Person you
mention does not surprize me. He is so unequal in his Tem-
per, and so different from himself on different Occasions, that
I should not wonder if he sometimes lov'd me.
The promis'd Commission is not yet come to my hands,
nor have I any Advices from the Congress later than the Qth
of September.
My Grandson joins me in affectionate Respects to you and
Miss Laurens, and best Wishes for your Health and Pros-
perity. With great and sincere Esteem I am ever, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
124 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1454. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
(P. A. E. E. U.)
(L. C.)
Passy, December 6, 1783.
SIR, Being now disabled by the Stone which in the easiest
Carriage gives me Pain, wounds my Bladder, and occasions
me to make bloody Urine, I find I can no longer pay my
Devoirs personally at Versailles, which I hope will be excused.
I have yet received from Congress no Answer to my Request
of being recall'd. In the meantime I must beg your Excel-
lency to receive my Respects by my Grandson, with such
Matters as I may occasionally have to communicate, he being
Secretary of the Legation. I am, with great and sincere
Respect, sir, etc., B. FRANKLIN.
1455. TO WILLIAM HODGSON (A. p. s.)
DEAR SIR Passy Dec. 10. 1783
Having represented to Congress the Services rendered to
our Prisoners by the Rev? Mr Wren, I have the Pleasure of
transmitting their Thanks, together with a Diploma from the
College at Princetown,1 which I beg you would forward to him
with my Respects. I shall not fail to recommend my Friend
for the Consulship,2 being with unalterable Esteem & Affec-
tion TV c.
Dear Sir,
Your most o. & m. h. S.
B. FRANKLIN.
Charge me with this Postage & that to Portsmouth
1 See letter to Robert R. Livingston, July 22, 1783. — ED.
2 See this recommendation in a letter to Thomas Mifflin, President of Con-
gress, December 26, 1783. — ED.
1783] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 125
1456. TO SIR JOSEPH BANKS (u. of P.)
Passy, Dec. 15. 1783
DEAR SIR,
You have probably had enough of my Correspondence
on the Subject of the Balloons, yet I cannot forbear sending
you Mr Charles's Account of his Voyage, which contains some
Circumstances that are curious & Interesting. And per-
haps you may for a Conclusion have one more Letter from me
by him, if he makes the Flight said to be intended the first
fair Wind from Paris to London.
With great Esteem, I am ever Dear Sir,
Your most obedient
Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1457. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (P. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, December 15, 1783
SIR: — I understand that the bishop or spiritual person
who superintends or governs the Roman Catholic clergy
in the United States of America resides in London, and is
supposed to be under obligations to that court, and subject
to be influenced by its ministers. This gives me some uneasi-
ness, and I cannot but wish that one should be appointed to
that office who is of this nation and who may reside there
among our friends. I beg your Excellency to think a little of
this matter, and to afford me your counsels upon it.1 With
the greatest respect, I am, sir, etc., R FRANKLIN.
1 The vicar-apostolic of London at this time had ecclesiastical jurisdiction
over the Roman Catholics of the United States. The fear of the inOuence
126 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1458. TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL1
Passy, December 15, 1783.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I am much concerned to find by your letter to my grandson,
that you are hurt by my long silence, and that you ascribe it
to a supposed diminution of my friendship. Believe me, that
is by no means the case ; but I am too much harassed by a
variety of correspondence, together with gout and gravel,
which induce me to postpone doing what I often fully intend
to do, and particularly writing, where the urgent necessity of
business does not seem to require its being done immediately,
my sitting too much at the desk having already almost killed
me; besides, since Mr. Jay's residence here, I imagined he
might keep you fully informed of what was material for you
to know; and I beg you to be assured of my constant and
sincere esteem and affection.
I do not know whether you have been informed, that a Mr.
Montgomery, who lives at Alicant, took upon himself (for
I think he had no authority) to make overtures last winter,
in behalf of our States, towards a treaty with the Emperor of
Morocco. In consequence of his proceedings I received a
letter in August from a person, who acquainted me, that he
was arrived in Spain by the Emperor's order, and was to come
to Paris, there to receive and conduct to Morocco the minister
which the English spiritual head might exert over the Irish Catholics caused
Franklin to write this letter to Count de Vergennes, and also to consult upon
the same subject with M*. de Cice, archbishop of Bordeaux. Rev. John
Carroll was appointed superior of the clergy of the United States in 1784. —
ED.
1 From " Diplomatic Correspondence " (Sparks), Vol. II, p. 492.— ED.
1783] TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL 127
of Congress appointed to make that treaty, intimating at the
same time an expectation of money to defray his expenses.
I communicated the letter to Mr. Jay. The conduct of Mr.
Montgomery appeared to us very extraordinary and irregular ;
and the idea of a messenger from Morocco coming to Paris
to meet and conduct a minister of Congress, appearing absurd
and extravagant, as well as the demand of money by a person
unknown, I made no answer to the letter; and I know not
whether Mr. Jay made any to Mr. Montgomery, who wrote
about the same time. But I have lately received another
letter from the same person, a copy of which I enclose, to-
gether with my answer open for your perusal, and it is sub-
mitted to your discretion whether to forward it or not. The
Mr. CroccOy who writes to me, having been, as he says, at
Madrid, you possibly may know more of him than I can, and
judge whether he is really a person in credit with the Emperor,
and sent as he pretends to be, or not rather an Escroc, as the
French call cheats and impostors.
I would not be wanting in any thing proper for me to do
towards keeping that Prince in good humour with us, till the
pleasure of Congress is known, and therefore would answer
Mr. Crocco, if he be in his employ; but am loth to commit
myself in correspondence with a jripon. It will be strange, if,
being at Madrid, he did not address himself to you. With
great and unalterable regard, I am ever, my dear friend, yours
most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.
128 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
1459. TO GIACOMO FRANCESCO CROCCO l
Paris, December 15, 1783.
SIR,
I have just received the letter you did me the honour of
writing to me the 25th past. I did indeed receive your former
letter of July, but, being totally a stranger to the mentioned
proceedings of Mr. Montgomery,2 and having no orders from
Congress on the subject, I knew not how to give you any satis-
factory answer, till I should receive further information ; and
I communicated your letter to Mr. Jay, minister of the United
States for Spain, in whose district Mr. Montgomery is, and
who is more at hand than I am for commencing that negotia-
tion.
Mr. Jay, who is at present in England, has possibly writ-
ten to you, though his letter may have miscarried, to acquaint
you, that Mr. Montgomery had probably no authority from
Congress to take the step he has done, and that it was not
likely, that they, desiring to make a treaty with the Emperor,
would think of putting his Majesty to the trouble of sending
a person to Paris to receive and conduct their minister, since
they have ships, and could easily land him at Cadiz, or present
him at one of the Emperor's ports. We have, however, writ-
ten to Congress, acquainting them with what we had been
informed of the good and favourable disposition of his Im-
perial Majesty to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce
with the United States; and we have no doubt but that, as
1 From " Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States" (Sparks), Vol.
I, P- 373- —ED.
2 Robert Montgomery of Alicant. — ED.
1783] TO THOMAS MIFFLIN 129
soon as their affairs are a little settled, which, by so severe a
war carried on in the bowels of their country by one of the
most powerful nations of Europe, have necessarily been much
deranged, they will readily manifest equally good dispositions,
and take all the proper steps to cultivate and secure the friend-
ship of a monarch, whose character I know they have long
esteemed and respected. I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1460. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN1 (L. c.)
Passy, Dec. 25, 1783.
SIR,
Not having heard of the Appointment of a new Secretary
for foreign Affairs, I take the Liberty of addressing this De-
spatch directly to your Excellency. I received by Capt.
Barney a Letter from the late President, directed to the Com-
missioners, dated November the i , with a Set of Instructions,
dated the 2Qth of October, a Resolution of the same Date
respecting Hamburgh, and another of the ist of November,
relating to Capt. Paul Jones, all which will be duly regarded.
Capt. Jones, in passing thro' England, communicated these
Papers to Mr. Adams, then at London. Mr. Adams, dis-
appointed hi not finding among them the Commission we
had been made to expect, empowering us to make a Treaty
of Commerce with England, wrote to me, that he imagin'd
it might be contain'd in a Packet that was directed to me, and
requested to be immediately informed ; adding, that, in case
no such Commission was come, he should depart directly
for Holland; so I suppose he is now there. Mr. Laurens
1 Elected President of Congress, November 3, 1783. — ED.
VOL. IT — K
I3o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
is gone to England, with an Intention of embarking soon for
America. Mr. Jay is at Bath, but expected here daily.
The English Ministers, the Duke of Manchester and Mr.
Hartley, are both at present in Parliament. As soon as
either of them return, we shall endeavour to obtain an
additional Article to the Treaty, explaining that mentioned
in the Instructions.
The Affairs of Ireland are still unsettled. The Parliament
and Volunteers are at variance ; the latter are uneasy, that,
in the late Negociations for a Treaty of Commerce between
England and America, the British Ministers had made no
mention of Ireland, and they seem to desire a separate Treaty
of Commerce between America and that kingdom.
It was certainly disagreable to the English Ministers, that
all their Treaties for Peace were carried on under the Eye of
the French Court. This began to appear towards the Conclu-
sion, when Mr. Hartley refus'd going to Versailles, to sign
there with the other Powers our definitive Treaty, and in-
sisted on its being done at Paris, which we in good humour
comply'd with, but at an earlier Hour, that we might have
time to acquaint le Comte de Vergennes before he was to
sign with the Duke of Manchester.
The Dutch Definitive was not then ready, and the British
Court now insists on finishing it either at London or the Hague.
If, therefore, the Commission to us, which has been so long
delay'd, is still intended, perhaps it will be well to instruct us
to treat either here or at London, as we may find most con-
venient.
The Treaty may be conducted, even there, in Concert
and in the Confidence of Communication with the Ministers
of our Friends, whose Advice may be of Use to us.
1783] TO THOMAS MIFFLIN* 131
With respect to the British Court, we should, I think,
be constantly upon our Guard, and impress strongly upon our
Minds, that, tho' it has made Peace with us, it is not in truth
reconcil'd either to us, or to its loss of us, but still flatters itself
with Hopes, that some Change in the Affairs of Europe, or
some Disunion among ourselves, may afford them an Oppor-
tunity of Recovering their Dominion, punishing those who
have most offended, and securing our future Dependence.
It is easy to see by the general Turn of the Ministerial News-
papers (light things, indeed, as Straws and Feathers, but like
them they show which way the Wind blows), and by the ma-
lignant Improvement their Ministers make, in all the Foreign
Courts, of every little Accident or Dissension among us, the
Riot of a few Soldiers at Philadelphia, the Resolves of some
Town Meetings, the Reluctance to pay Taxes, &c., all which
are exaggerated, to represent our Government as so many
Anarchies, of which the People themselves are weary, and the
Congress as having lost its Influence, being no longer re-
spected ; I say it is easy to see from this Conduct, that they
bear us no good Will, and that they wish the Reality of what
they are pleas'd to imagine. They have, too, a numerous
Royal Progeny to provide for, some of whom are educated in
the military Line. In these Circumstances we cannot be
too careful to preserve the Friendships we have acquired
abroad, and the Union we have established at home, to secure
our Credit by a punctual Discharge of our Obligations of
every kind, and our Reputation by the wisdom of our Coun-
cils : Since we know not how soon we may have a fresh Occa-
sion for Friends, for Credit, and for Reputation.
The extravagant Misrepresentations of our Political State
::n foreign Countries, made it appear necessary to give them
I32 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
better Information, which I thought could not be more effec-
tually and authentically done, than by publishing a Transla-
tion into French, now the most general Language in Europe,
of the Book of Constitutions, which had been printed by Order
of Congress. This I accordingly got well done, and presented
two Copies, handsomely bound, to every foreign Minister
here, one for himself, the other more elegant for his Sover-
eign. It has been well taken, and has afforded Matter of
Surprise to many, who had conceived mean Ideas of the State
of Civilization in America, and could not have expected so
much political Knowledge and Sagacity had existed in our Wil-
dernesses. And from all Parts I have the satisfaction to hear,
that our Constitutions in general are much admired. I am
persuaded, that this Step will not only tend to promote the
Emigration to our Country of substantial People from all
Parts of Europe, by the numerous Copies I shall disperse,
but will facilitate our future Treaties with foreign Courts,
who could not before know what kind of Government and
People they had to treat with. As, in doing this, I have
endeavoured to further the apparent Views of Congress in
the first Publication, I hope it may be approved, and the
Expence allowed. I send herewith one of the Copies.
Our Treaties with Denmark and Portugal remain unfin-
ish'd, for want of Instructions respecting them from Congress,
and a Commission empowering some Minister or Ministers
to conclude them. The Emperor of Morocco, we understand,
has expressed a Disposition to make a Treaty of Amity and
Commerce with the United States. A Mr. Montgomery,
who is a Merchant settled at Alicant, has been, it seems,
rather forward in proposing a Negociation, without Authority
for so doing, and has embarrass'd us a little, as may be seen
1783] TO THOMAS MIFFLIN 133
by some Letters I enclose.1 Perhaps it would be well for
the Congress to send a Message to that Prince, expressing
their Respect and Regard for him, till such time as they may
judge it convenient to appoint an Ambassador in form, fur-
nish'd with proper Presents, to make a Treaty with him. The
other Barbary States, too, seem to require Consideration, if we
propose to carry on any Trade in the Mediterranean ; but,
whether the Security of that Trade is of sufficient importance
to be worth purchasing at the Rate of the Tributes usually
exacted by those piratical States, is a matter of doubt, on which
I cannot at present form a Judgment.
I shall immediately proceed, in pursuance of the first In-
struction, to take the proper Steps for acquainting his Imperial
Majesty of Germany with the Dispositions of Congress, hav-
ing some reason to believe the Overture may be acceptable.
His Minister here is of late extreamly civil to me, and we are
on very good Terms. I have likewise an intimate Friend at
that Court.
With respect to other Powers, it seems best not to make
Advances at present, but to meet and encourage them when
made, which I shall not fail to do, as I have already done
those of Sweden, Denmark, and Portugal. Possibly Ham-
burgh, to whom I have forwarded the Letter of Congress,
may send a Minister to America, if they wish for a Treaty,
to conclude it there. They have no Minister here.
I have lately receiv'd a Memorial from the Minister of Den-
mark, respecting a Ship of that Nation, the Providentia,
taken by one of our Privateers and carried into Boston. I en-
close a Copy of it, and request to be furnished with Direc-
tions and Informations for the answer. It may be well to
1 The letters from G. F. Crocco. — ED.
I34 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
send me a Copy of the Proceedings in the Courts. From a
Perusal of the Papers communicated with it, I am satisfied
that the Cargo was clearly British Property.
We have hitherto enter'd into no Engagements respecting
the arm'd Neutrality, and, in obedience to the fifth Instruction,
we shall take care to avoid them hereafter. The Treaty
between this Court and the United States, for regulating the
Powers, Privileges, &c. of Consuls, is at length compleated,
and is transcribing in order to be signed. I hope to transmit
a Copy by the next Packet. I have received the Congress
Ratification of the two Money Treaties, which will be soon
exchanged, when I shall send Copies of them with that of
Sweden.
I have given, and shall continue to give, Capt. Paul Jones
all the Assistance in my Power, towards Recovering the Prize
Money; and I hope it may soon be accomplish'd.
When Mr. Jay returns, I shall desire him to make the
Enquiry directed in the fourth Instruction, respecting the
Expedition under that Commodore, and report thereon to
Congress. In the mean time I can answer respecting one of
the Questions, that the King paid the whole Expence, and that
no part of it has ever been plac'd to the Account of Congress.
There exists indeed a Demand of one Puchelberg,1 a Person
in the Employ of M. Schweighauser, of about 30,000 Livres,
for Provisions and other things furnish'd to Capt. Landais,
after he took the Alliance out of the Hands of Capt. Jones:
But, as the Ship was at that time under the King's Supply
who, having borrow'd her for the Expedition when fitted for
Sea and just ready to sail with Mr. Adams, had ordered her
to be deliver'd in the same Condition, free of all Charges ac-
cru'd, or accruing, by her being in Holland and in L'Orient,
1 See supra, Vol. VIII, p. 132. — ED.
1783] TO ROBERT MORRIS 135
and as M. Puchelberg had not only no Orders from me to
furnish Capt. Landais, but acted contrary to my Orders
given to M. Schweighauser, and contrary to the Orders of
M. Schweighauser himself, I refused to pay his Account,
which besides appeared extravagant, and it has never yet
been paid.
I shall do my best in executing the third Instruction, re-
specting our Claim upon Denmark. I have written to London
to obtain, if possible, an Ace1 of the Sums insured upon the
Ships delivered up, as such an Ace* may be some Guide in
the Valuation of the Prizes.
A Captain Williams, formerly in the British Service, and
employed upon the Lakes, has given me a Paper containing
Information of the State of the back Country. As those
Informations may possibly be of some use, I send herewith the
Paper. Mr. Carmichael has sent me the Accounts of the
Money Transactions at Madrid. As soon as Mr. Jay re-
turns, they will be examined.
Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to Congress, and
assure them of my most faithful Services. With great Esteem
and Regard, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.1
1461. TO ROBERT MORRIS (L. c.)
Passy, Dec. 25, 1783.
SIR,
I have received your Favour of the 30th of September, for
which I thank you. My Apprehension, that the Union be-
1 The " Set of Instructions," alluded to in this letter, may be found in the
" Diplomatic Correspondence " (Sparks), Vol. X, p. 222. The resolutions re-
specting Hamburg and Paul Jones are contained in the " Secret Journal of
Congress," Vol. Ill, pp. 416, 430. — S.
136 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
tween France and our States might be diminished by Accounts
from hence, was occasioned by the extravagant and violent
Language held here by a Public Person, in public Company,
which had that Tendency ; and it was natural for me to think
his Letters might hold the same Language, in which I was right ;
for I have since had Letters from Boston informing me of it.
Luckily here, and I hope there, it is imputed to the true Cause,
a Disorder in the Brain, which, tho' not constant, has its Fits
too frequent. I will not fill my Letter with an Account of
those Discourses. Mr. Laurens, when you see him, can give
it to you ; I mean such as he heard in Company with other
Persons, for I would not have him relate private Conversa-
tions. They distress'd me much at the time, being then at
your earnest Instances soliciting for more aids of Money;
the Success of which Solicitation such ungrateful and provok-
ing Language might, I feared, have had a Tendency to prevent.
Enough of this at present.
I have been exceedingly hurt and afflicted by the Difficulty
some of your late Bills met with in Holland. As soon as I
receiv'd the Letter from Messrs. Willinck & Co., which I
inclose, I sent for Mr. Grand, who brought me a Sketch of his
Account with you, by which it appeared that the Demands
upon us, existing and expected, would more than absorb
the Funds in his Hands. We could not indulge the smallest
Hope of obtaining further Assistance here, the Public Finances
being in a state of Embarrassment, private Persons full of
Distrust occasioned by the late Stoppage of Payment at the
Caisse d'Escompte, and money in general extreamly scarce.
But he agreed to do what I propos'd, lend his Credit in the
Way of Drawing and Redrawing between Holland and Paris,
to gain Time till you could furnish Funds to reimburse Messrs.
1783] TO ROBERT MORRIS 137
Willenck & Co. I believe he made this Proposition to them
by the Return of the Express. I know not why it was not
accepted. Mr. Grand, I suppose, will himself give you an
Account of all the Transaction, and of his Application to
Messrs. Couteulx & Co. ; therefore, I need not add more upon
this disagreable Subject.
I have found Difficulties in settling the Account of Salaries
with the other Ministers, that have made it impracticable
for me to do it. I have, therefore, after keeping the Bills
that were to have been proportioned among us long in my
hands, given them up to Mr. Grand, who, finding the same
Difficulties, will, I suppose, return them to you. None has
come to hand for the two or three last Quarters, and we are
indebted to his Kindness for advancing us Money, or we must
have run in Debt for our Subsistence. He risques in doing
this, since he has not for it your Orders.
There arise frequently contingent Expences, for which no
provision has yet been made. In a former letter to the Sec-
retary for Foreign Affairs, I gave a List of them, and desired
to know the Pleasure of Congress concerning them. I have
only had for Answer, that they were under Consideration,
and that he believed House-Rent would not be allowed;
but I am still in Uncertainty as to that and the Rest. I wish
some resolutions were taken on this Point of Contingencies,
that I may know how to settle my Accounts with Mr. Barclay.
American Ministers in Europe are too remote from their Con-
stituents to consult them, and take their Orders on every
Occasion, as the Ministers here of European Courts can easily
do. There seems, therefore, a Necessity of allowing more to
their Discretion, and of giving them a Credit to a certain
Amount on some Banker, who may answer their Orders;
138 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
for which, however, they should be accountable. I mention
this for the sake of other Ministers, hoping and expecting
soon to be discharg'd myself, and also for the Good of the
Service.
The Remissness of our People in Paying Taxes is highly
blameable; the Unwillingness to pay them is still more so.
I see, in some Resolutions of Town Meetings, a Remonstrance
against giving Congress a Power to take, as they call it, the
People's Money out of their Pockets, tho' only to pay the In-
terest and Principal of Debts duly contracted. They seem
to mistake the Point. Money, justly due from the People,
is their Creditors' Money, and no longer the Money of the
People, who, if they withold it, should be compell'd to pay
by some Law.
All Property, indeed, except the Savage's temporary Cabin,
his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions, abso-
lutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the
Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the
Right of Regulating Descents, and all other Conveyances of
Property, and even of limiting the Quantity and the Uses of
it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man, for the Con-
servation of the Individual and the Propagation of the Species,
is his natural Right, which none can justly deprive him of :
But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property
of the Publick, who, by their Laws, have created it, and who
may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Wel-
fare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that
does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire and
live among Savages. He can have no right to the benefits
of Society, who will not pay his Club towards the Support
of it.
1783] TO ROBERT MORRIS 139
The Marquis de la F.,1 who loves to be em ploy 'd in our
Affairs, and is often very useful, has lately had several Con-
versations with the Ministers and Persons concern'd in form-
ing new Regulations, respecting the Commerce between our
two Countries, which are not yet concluded. I therefore
thought it well to communicate to him a Copy of your Letter,
which contains so many sensible and just Observations on that
Subject. He will make a proper Use of them, and perhaps
they may have more Weight, as appearing to come from a
Frenchman, than they would have if it were known that
they were the Observations of an American. I perfectly
agree with you in all the Sentiments you have express'd on
this Occasion.
You have made no Answer to the Proposition I sent of
furnishing Tobacco to the Farmers General. They have
since made a Contract with Mess" Alexander & Williams
for the same Purpose but it is such a one as does not prevent
their making another with you if hereafter it should suit you.
I am sorry for the Publick's sake, that you are about to
quit your Office, but on personal Considerations I shall con-
gratulate you ; for I cannot conceive of a more happy Man,
than he, who having been long loaded with public Cares,
finds himself reliev'd from them, and enjoying private repose
in the Bosom of his Friends and Family.
The Government here has set on foot a new Loan of an
Hundred Millions. I enclose the Plan.
It is thought very advantageous for the Lenders. You may
judge by that how much the Money is wanted, and how sea-
sonable the Peace was for all concerned.
If Mr. Alexander, who is gone to Virginia, should happen
1 Lafayette. — ED.
140 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
to come to Philadelphia, I beg leave to recommend him to
your Civilities as an old Friend of mine whom I very much
esteem.
With sincere Regard & Attachment, I am ever, Dear Sir,
Your most etc.
[B.F.]
1462. TO EBENEZER HAZARD1 (p. c.)
Passy, Dec. 26, 1783
SIR,
I am desired by the General Post Office of Great Britain
to recommend to your Consideration a Sketch of an Adver-
tisement respecting the Packet Boats, which they think it
may be useful to publish. You will do in it what you think
proper. Perhaps you have already done what is necessary.
As I was formerly long connected with that Office and have
Friends in it, if I can be of Use in forwarding any Arrange-
ments you have to propose for the Benefit of yours, you may
command freely, Sir,
Your most obedient Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1463. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN (L. c.)
Passy, Dec. 26, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I congratulate you very sincerely on your Appointment
to that very honourable Station, the Presidency of Congress.
Every Testimony you receive of the public Sense of your
Services and Talents, gives me Pleasure.
1 From the original in the possession of Samuel Hazard, Esq., of German-
town, a great-grandson of Ebenezer Hazard. — ED.
1783] TO THOMAS MIFFLIN -141
I have written to you a long Letter on Business, in my
quality of Minister. This is a private Letter, respecting my
personal Concerns, which I presume to trouble you with on
the Score of our ancient Friendship.
In a Letter of the i2th of March, 1781, I stated my Age
and Infirmities to the Congress, and requested they would
be pleased to recall me, that I might enjoy the little left me
of the Evening of Life in Repose, and in the sweet Society
of my Friends and Family. I was answered by the then
President, that, when Peace should be made, if I persisted
in the same Request, it should be granted; I acquiesc'd;
the Preliminaries were signed in November, 1782, and I then
repeated my Petition.1 A year is past, and I have no Answer.
Undoubtedly, if the Congress should think my continuing
here necessary for the public Service, I ought, as a good
Citizen, to submit to their Judgment and Pleasure; but, as
they may easily supply my Place to advantage, that cannot
be the Case. I suppose, therefore, that it is merely the multi-
plicity of more important Affairs, that has put my Request
out of their Mind. What I would then desire of you is, to
put this Matter in Train to be moved and answer'd as soon as
possible, that I may arrange my Affairs accordingly.
In the first Letter above mentioned, to which I beg leave
to refer you, I gave a Character of my Grandson, William
Temple Franklin, and solicited for him the Favour and Pro-
tection of Congress. I have nothing to abate of that Char-
acter; on the contrary, I think him so much improved as to
be capable of executing, with Credit to himself and Advan-
tage to the Public, any Employment in Europe the Congress
may think fit to honour him with. He has been seven Years
1 See letter to Robert R. Livingston, dated December 5th, 1782. — ED.
I42 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
in the Service, and is much esteem'd by all that know him,
particularly by the Minister here, who, since my new Dis-
order (the Stone) makes my going to Versailles inconvenient
to me, transacts our Business with him in the most obliging
and friendly manner. It is natural for me, who love him, to
wish to see him settled before I die, in some Employ that may
probably be permanent ; and I hope you will be so good to me,
as to get that Affair likewise moved and carried thro' in his
Favour.
He has, I think, this additional Merit to plead, that he has
serv'd in my Office as Secretary several Years, for the small
Salary of 300 Louis a Year, while the Congress gave 1000 a
Year to the Secretaries of other Ministers, who had not half
the Employ for a Secretary that I had. For it was long before
a Consul was sent here, and we had all that Business on our
hands, with a great deal of Admiralty Business in examining
and condemning Captures, taken by our Cruisers and by the
French Cruisers under American Commission; besides the
constant Attendance in examining and recording the Accept-
ances of the Congress Bills of Exchange, which has been,
f rom*the immense Number, very fatiguing ; with many other
extra Affairs, not usually occurring to other Ministers, such
as the Care of the Prisoners in England, and the constant
Correspondence relating to them; in all of which he serv'd
me as Secretary, with the Assistance only of a Clerk at low
Wages (50 Louis a Year), so that the Saving has been very
considerable to the Public. I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1783] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 143
1464. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN (D. s. w.)
Passy, December 26, 1783.
SIR,
If the Congress should think it fit to have a Consul for the
United States in London, and do not appoint one of our own
countrymen to that office, I beg leave to mention the Merits
of Mr. William Hodgson,1 a Merchant of that City, who has
always been a zealous friend of America, was a principal
promoter of the Subscription for the relief of American
Prisoners, and Chairman of the Committee for dispensing
the Money raised by that Subscription. He also took the
Trouble of applying the Moneys I furnished him with when
the Subscription was exhausted, and constantly assisted me
in all the negociations I had with the British Ministers, in
their favour, wherein he generally succeeded, being a man of
weight and credit, very active, and much esteemed for his
probity and Integrity. These his Services, continued steadily
during the whole War, seem to entitle him to the favourable
notice of Congress, when any occasion offers of doing him
Service or pleasure. With great respect, I have the honour
to *• &c' B. FRANKLIN.
1465. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON2 (p. c.)
Passy, Dec. 26, 1783.
DEAR POLLY,
In reading Mr. Viny's Letter, when I receiv'd it, I miss'd
seeing yours, which was written behind it in a Corner. I
1 See letter to William Hodgson, December 10, 1783. — ED.
2 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
144 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
thank you much for your kind Offer respecting my Grandson.
I was fully resolv'd on sending him in September last, and
engag'd Mr. Jay, one of my Colleagues, then going to Eng-
land, to take him over in his Company. But, when it came
to be propos'd to him, he show'd such an Unwillingness to
leave me, and Temple such a Fondness for retaining him,
that I concluded to keep him till I should go over myself.
He behaves very well, and we love him very much.
I send herewith two different French Grammars, not
knowing which to prefer, Opinions here being divided.
Your French Master may take his Choice, and you will pre-
sent the other to my Godson, as my New Year's Gift, with
the two Volumes of Synonymes Francises, an excellent Work.
They will be left at Mr. Hodgson's, Merchant in Coleman
Street, where you may have them on sending for them.
Adieu, my dear Friend. I long to see you and yours, but
God only knows when that may happen. I am, neverthe-
less, yours most affectionately, B FRANKLIN
January ist, 1784. Health, and prosperity, and many
happy years to my dear friend and her children, for whom
I send the enclosed little books.
1466. TO SAMUEL COOPER (L. c.)
Passy, Dec. 26, 1783.
DEAR SIR: — I have received your Favour of the i6th
October, and am much obliged by the Intelligence it contains.1
1 This letter is in A. P. S. The intelligence it contained was " that the
House of Representatives for this State [Massachusetts] have this moment
1783] TO SAMUEL COOPER 145
I am happy to hear that your Government has agreed to
furnish Congress with the Means of discharging the national
Debt. The Obstruction that Measure met with in some of
the States has had many mischievous Effects on this side the
Water; it discouraged the Loan going on in Holland, and
thereby occasioned a Protest of some of Mr. Morris' Bills.
Nothing can recover our Credit in Europe and our Reputa-
tion in its Courts, but an immediate proof of our Honesty
and Prudence by a general Provision in all the States for the
punctual Payment of the Interest and the final regular Dis-
charge of the Principal. I hope we will never deserve, nor
any longer appear likely to deserve, the Reproof given to an
Enthusiastical Knave in Pennsylvania, who being called upon
for an old Debt, said to his Creditors: Thou must have a
little more patience; I am not yet able to pay thee. Give
me then your bond, says the Creditor, and pay me Interest.
No, I cannot do that; I cannot in conscience either receive
or pay Interest, it is against my Principle. You have then
the Conscience of a Rogue, says the Creditor: You tell me
it is against your Principle to pay Interest; and it being
against your Interest to pay the Principal, I perceive you do
not intend to pay me either one or t'other.
My young Friend, your Grandson, must have had a long
Passage, since he was not arrived when you wrote. Indeed
all the Vessels that left Europe for America about the time
he did have had long Passages which makes me less uneasy
on his account. I hope he is in your Arms long before this
time. His father never made any Provision here for his
passed an Act for a Duty of 5 per cent on all goods imported for paying the
Interest of our National Debt, according to the Requisition of Congress." —
ED.
VOL. IX — L
I46 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1783
Return that I have heard of, and therefore I have drawn on
you for the Ballance of the Account as you directed.
I wrote you a too long letter some time since, respecting
Mr. A.'s Calumnies,1 of which perhaps it was not necessary
to take so much notice.
The Government of England is again disordered. The
Lords have rejected the ministry's favorite Bill for demolish-
ing the Power of the India Company. The Commons have
resented it by some angry Resolutions, and it is just now
reported here that the Ministers are dismissed and the Parlia-
ment dissolved. Of this we have not yet certain advice,
but expect it hourly.
There are hopes that the War against the Turks will blow
over; the rather, as all Flames are apt to spread, and the late
belligerent powers have all need of a continued Peace ; This
however, is not certain, and it behoves us to preserve with
Care our Friends and our Credit abroad, and our Union at
home, as we know not how soon we may have occasion for
all of them.
With great and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend,
yours, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
1467. TO ELIAS BOUDINOT2 (P.O.)
Passy, Dec. 26, 1783.
SIR,
Your two Letters to the Commissioners, dated at Prince-
ton the 27th of October and ist of November, and one to me
of the first of November came duly to Hand; Mr. Adams
1 Mr. John Adams. — ED.
2 From the original in the possession of Mr. George C. Thomas. — ED.
1783] M1CHEL-GUILLAUME-JEAN DE CREVECCEUR 147
saw the public Letters in England, Capt. Jones having landed
with them at Plymouth. We thank you much for the In-
telligence they contain. I am now alone here, Mr. Jay being
at Bath, with Mr. Laurens, and Mr. Adams either in England
or Holland : But I have written fully to the new President
respecting the Instructions etc. communicated with your
Letters. And now, Sir, give me leave to congratulate you
on the fortunate Events that have distinguished your Presi-
dency, and on your honourable Retreat from it into private
Life. The first well-improv'd may make us all happy, and
the last must make you so ; for I can hardly conceive a hap-
pier Being than the Man, who, having been long laden with
public Cares and fatigu'd by every-body's Business, is al-
low'd to retire into the Bosom of his Family, and enjoy
Otium cum dignitate.
With great and sincere Respect, I have the honour to be,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1468. TO MICHEL-GUILLAUME-JEAN DE
CREVEOEUR1 (L. c.)
SIR : — I have perused the foregoing Memoir, and having
formerly had some Share in the Management of the Pacquet
Boats between England and America, I am enabled to fur-
nish you with some small Remarks.
The Project is good, and if carried into Execution will cer-
tainly be very useful to Merchants immediately, and profit-
1 This letter is without date, but it must have been written either late in
December, 1783, or early in January, 1784. — ED.
I48 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1783
able to the Revenue of the Post- Office at least after some
time; because not only Commerce increases Correspond-
ence, but Facility of Correspondence increases Commerce,
and they go on mutually augmenting each other.
Four Packet Boats were at first thought sufficient between
Falmouth and New York, so as [to] dispatch one regularly the
first Wednesday in every Month. But by Experience it was
found that a fifth was necessary ; as without it, the Regularity
was sometimes broken by Accidents of Wind and Weather,
and the Merchants disappointed and their Affairs deranged,
a Matter of great Consequence in Commerce. A fifth Packet
was accordingly added.
It is probable, as you observe, that the English will keep
up their Packets. In which Case I should think it advise-
able to order the Dispatch of the French Packets in the inter-
mediate times, that is on the third Wednesdays. This
would give the Merchants of Europe and America Oppor-
tunities of Writing every Fortnight. And the English who
had miss'd Writing by their own Packet of the first Wednes-
day, or have new Matter to write which they wish to send
before the next Month, will forward their Letters by the
Post to France to go by the French Packet, and vice
versa, which will encrease the Inland Postage of both
Nations.
As these Vessels are not to be laden with Goods, their
Holds may, without Inconvenience, be divided into separate
Apartments after the Chinese Manner, and each of those
Apartments caulked tight so as to keep out Water. In which
case if a Leak should happen in one Apartment, that only
would be affected by it, and the others would be free; so
that the Ship would not be so subject as others, to founder
1783] ON IMMIGRATION 149
and sink at Sea.1 This being known would be a great En-
couragement to Passengers.
I send you a Copy of a Chart of the Gulf Stream, which
is little known by European Navigators, and yet of great
Consequence ; since in going to America they often get into
that Stream and unknowingly stem it, whereby the Ship is
much retarded and the Voyage lengthened enormously.
The directions being imperfectly translated and expressed
in French, I have put them more correctly in English. I
have the honour to be, etc.,
1469. ON IMMIGRATION (L. c.)
TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT
Your Queries concerning the Value of Land hi different
Circumstances & Situations, Modes of Settlement, &c. &c.
are quite out of my Power to answer; having while I lived
in America been always an Inhabitant of Capital Cities, and
not in the way of learning any thing correctly of Country
Affairs. There is a Book lately published in London,
written by Mr. Hector St. John, its Title, Letters from an
American Farmer,2 which contains a good deal of Informa-
tion on those Subjects; and as I know the Author to be an
observing intelligent Man, I suppose the Information to be
1 See " Maritime Observations," letter to David Le Roy. — ED.
2 " Letters from an American Farmer, describing certain provincial situa-
tions, manners and customs not generally known ; . . . written for the infor-
mation of a friend in England, by J-Hector Saint John, a farmer in Pennsyl-
vania." London, Thomas Davies, 1 782. — ED.
ISO THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
good as far as it goes, and I recommend the Book to your
perusal.
There is no doubt but great Tracts may be purchased on
the Frontiers of Virginia, & the Carolinas, at moderate Rates.
In Virginia it used to be at 5^ Sterling the 100 Acres. I know
not the present Price, but do not see why it should be higher.
Emigrants arriving pay no Fine or Premium for being ad-
mitted to all the Privileges of Citizens. Those are acquired
by two Years Residence.
No Rewards are given to encourage new Settlers to come
among us, whatever degree of Property they may bring with
them, nor any Exemptions from common Duties. Our Coun-
try offers to Strangers nothing but a good Climate, fertile
Soil, wholesome Air, Free Governments, wise Laws, Liberty,
a good People to live among, and a hearty Welcome. Those
Europeans who have these or greater Advantages at home,
would do well to stay where they are.
1470. TO JOHN JAY1 (L.C.)
DEAR SIR, Pass* Jan' 6>
I received your kind letter of the 26th past,2 and imme-
diately sent that inclosed to Mrs. Jay, whom I saw a few days
since with the children, all perfectly well. It is a happy
thing that the little ones are so finely past the small-pox,
and I congratulate you upon it most cordially.
It is true, as you have heard, that I have the stone, but not
that I have had thoughts of being cut for it. It is as yet
very tolerable. It gives me no pain but when in a Carriage
1 Only an incomplete transcript exists in L. C. — ED.
2 In A. P. S. — ED.
1784] TO JOHN JAY 151
on the Pavement, or when I make some sudden quick move-
ment. If I can prevent its growing larger, which I hope to do
by abstemious living and gentle exercise, I can go on pretty
comfortably with it to the end of my Journey, which can now
be at no great distance. I am chearful, enjoy the company
of my Friends, sleep well, have sufficient appetite, and my
Stomach performs well its Functions. The latter is very
material to the preservation of Health. I therefore take
no Drugs, lest I should disorder it. You may judge that
my Disease is not very grievous, since I am more afraid of
the Medicines than of the Malady.
It gives me pleasure to learn from you, that my Friends
still retain their Regard for me. I long to see them again,
but I doubt I shall hardly accomplish it. If our Commis-
sion for the Treaty of Commerce were arrived, and we were
at liberty to treat in England, I might then come over to you,
supposing the English Ministry disposed to enter into such
a Treaty.
I have, as you observe, some enemies in England, but
they are my enemies as an American] I have also two or
three in America, who are my Enemies as a Minister; but
I thank God there are not in the whole world any who are
my Enemies as a Man; for by his grace, thro' a long life,
I have been enabled so to conduct myself, that there does
not exist a human Being who can justly say, " Ben. Franklin
has wrong'd me." This, my friend, is in old age a comfort-
able Reflection, ifou too have, or may have, your Enemies ;
but let not that render you unhappy. If you make a right
use of them, they will do you more good than harm. They
point out to us our Faults ; they put us upon our guard, and
help us to live more correctly.
I52 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
My Grandsons are sensible of the honor of your Re-
membrance, and join their respectful Compliments and
best wishes with those of, dear Sir, your affectionate humble
servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1471. TO SAMUEL CHASE1 (A. P. s.)
Passy, Jan. 6, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I duly receiv'd your Letter of the i8th of September,2 with
the Papers that accompanied it : but being at that time afflicted
with two painful Disorders, the Gout and Gravel, I could not
then give any Attention to Business; and, before my Re-
covery, the Letters and Papers were both most unaccountably
missing. I spent Hours, from time to time, in searching for
them, and delay'd writing in continual Hopes of finding them,
which I was not able to do till within these few Days, when
on removing a writing-press in my Closet, I discover'd that
they had fallen and lay conceaPd behind it.
I had deliver'd the Letter you enclos'd to the Marquis de
la Fayette, and, as the Court was then at Fontainebleau,
and I could not follow it by reason of my Illness, I requested
him to sound M* le Marquis de Castries on the subject of the
Loss of your Ship.3 He did so ; and the Result of the Con-
versation was, that, if you thought fit to prosecute the Matter,
1 Samuel Chase (1741-1811), signer of the Declaration of Independence,
was the companion of Franklin and Charles Carrol in their mission to Canada.
— ED.
2 A long letter, written from London, and now in A. P. S. — ED.
8 The Matilda, a ship owned by Dorsey, Wheeler & Co., of Baltimore, of
which company Chase was a member. The ship was captured by a British
frigate, The Perseverance. — ED.
1784] TO SAMUEL CHASE 153
you should present a Memorial, upon which he might regu-
larly take the Affair into Consideration. You mentioned
your coming to Paris before finishing your other Business,
in case I should think there was a Probability of obtaining
Compensation, either from the Property of the Captain, or
the Generosity of the Prince. I have not yet been able to
learn any thing of the Captain's Circumstances ; and as clear
Proof of his Delinquency must precede an Application to the
King, and perhaps the Protest of Captain Belt will hardly
be thought sufficient Testimony, and other Evidences corrob-
orating cannot be obtained but with great Expense & Loss
of Time, and the Chicanery practis'd in the Courts here to
procure Delay is immense and endless; on these Considera-
tions I cannot advise your coming hither for the Purpose of
such a Prosecution to the Prejudice of your other Affairs;
tho' I shall be happy to see you, when it may be convenient
to you, and, when you are here, we will take the Advice of
some judicious Persons, and if it appears possible for me to
serve your Cause, I shall do it with great Pleasure.
M. de Rochambeau was not in Town, but I forwarded
Mr. Carrol's letter to him. I have written, as you desired,
to Brest, and as soon as I receive an Answer, I will com-
municate it to you. I am not enough acquainted with the
French Laws or Customs to inform you what Claims the
Widow of M. le Vache l may have on his Property. I only
think I have heard, that Marriages by a Protestant Minister
are not deemed valid. I will make inquiry.
Since writing the above, I am inform 'd that, if celebrated
1 M. Jean Lcvache de Vanburn, volunteer in the Artillery of Maryland, and
captain in the army, married Ann Howard of Annapolis. He was believed
to have perished at sea. — ED.
I54 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
in a Protestant Country according to the Laws of that Coun-
try, they are deem'd valid here ; as are also the Marriages of
Protestants here, if in the Chapel of a Protestant Ambassador.
I shall be glad to hear, that you have succeeded in Re-
covering the Publick Money, and that you continue to enjoy
your Health, being, with sincere and great Esteem, dear Sir,
&c. B. FRANKLIN.
1472. TO DAVID HARTLEY1 (p. c.)
Passy, Jan. 7, 1784.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have this moment recd your favour of the 25th past,
acquainting me with the change in administration. I am
[not] sure that in reforming the constitution, which is some-
times talked of, it wd not be better to make your great officers
of state hereditary, than to suffer the inconvenience of such
frequent and total changes. Much Faction and Cabal wd
be prevented by having a hereditary First Ld of the Treasury,
a hereditary Ld Chancellor, Privy Seal, President of the
Council, Secretary of State, First Ld of the Admiralty, &c.
&c. It will not be said that the duties of these officers being
important, we cannot trust to nature for the chance of requisite
talents, since we have a hereditary set of judges in the last
resort, the House of Peers; an hereditary King; and in a
certain German University an hereditary professor of Mathe-
matics.
We have not yet heard of the arrival of our Express in
America, who carried the Definitive Treaty. He sailed the
1 From a copy in Hartley's handwriting, in the collection of Mrs. L. Z.
Leiter. — ED.
1784] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 155
26th of September. As soon as the ratification arrives, I
shall immediately send you word of it. With great esteem
I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1473. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ (L. c.)
Passy, Jan. 16, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I have this day received your Favor of the 2d Inst. Every
Information in my power, respecting the Balloons, I sent you
just before Christmas, contained in Copies of my letters to Sir
Joseph Banks. There is no Secret in the Affair, and I make
no doubt that a Person coming from you would easily obtain
a sight of the different Balloons of Montgolfier and Charles,
with all the Instructions wanted; and, if you undertake to
make one, I think it extremely proper and necessary to send
an ingenious man here for that purpose : otherwise, for want
of attention to some particular circumstance, or of not being
acquainted with it, the Experiment might miscarry, which,
in an affair of so much public Expectation, would have bad
consequences, draw upon you a great deal of Censure, and
affect your Reputation. It is a serious thing to draw out
from their Affairs all the Inhabitants of a great City and its
Environs, and a Disappointment makes them angry. At
Bordeaux lately a person who pretended to send up a balloon,
and had received Money from many People, not being able
to make it rise, the populace were so exasperated that they
pulled down his house, and had like to have killed him.
It appears, as you observe, to be a discovery of great Im-
portance, and what may possibly give a new turn to human
IS6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
Affairs. Convincing Sovereigns of the Folly of wars may
perhaps be one Effect of it; since it will be impracticable for
the most potent of them to guard his Dominions. Five
thousand Balloons, capable of raising two Men each, could not
cost more than Five Ships of the Line; and where is the
Prince who can afford so to cover his Country with Troops
for its Defence, as that Ten Thousand Men descending from
the Clouds might not in many places do an infinite deal of
mischief, before a Force could be brought together to repel
them? It is a pity that any national Jealousy should, as you
imagine it may, have prevented the English from prosecuting
the Experiment, since they are such ingenious Mechanicians,
that in their hands it might have made a more rapid progress
towards Perfection, and all the Utility it is capable of afford-
ing.
The Balloon of Messrs. Charles and Robert was really
filled with inflamable air. The Quantity being great, it was
expensive, and tedious filling, requiring two or three days and
nights constant Labour. It had a soupape, [or valve,] near
the top, which they could open by pulling a string and
thereby let out some air when they had a mind to descend;
and they discharged some of their Ballast of Sand when they
would rise again. A great deal of Air must have been let out
when they landed, so that the loose part might envelope one
of them : yet, the car being lightned by that one getting out of
it, there was enough left to carry up the other rapidly. They
had na Fire with them. That is only used in M. Montgolfier's
globe, which is open at Bottom, and straw constantly burnt
to keep it up. This kind is sooner and cheaper filled ; but
must be much bigger to carry up the same weight ; since Air
rarified by Heat is only twice as light as common Air, and
1784] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 157
inflamable Air is ten times lighter. M. de Morveau, a
famous Chemist at Dijon, has found an inflamable Air that
will cost only a 25th part of the Price of what is made by
oil of Vitriol poured on Iron Filings. They say it is made
from Sea Coal. Its comparative Weight is not mentioned.
Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1474. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (L. c.)
Passy, Jan. 17, 1784.
SIR ; — I received the Letter your Excellency did me the
honour of writing to me the i$th Instant, inclosing one
from a certain Schaffer, who calls himself Lieutenant- Colonel
of the Continental Militia, requesting that you would cause
to be returned to him a Bill of Exchange for 60 Dollars that
has my Name on it, and which with his other Papers, has been
seiz'd and deposited in the "Greffe criminel du chatelet,"
and complaining that neither the consul nor myself afford
him any Protection; and you are pleased to desire my Sen-
timents on the Affair.
This same Schaffer has been in Paris now about three
Years, but this is the first time I have heard any mention of
his military Character; he brought a little Money with him,
as I understood, to purchase Goods, but he soon fell into the
hands of a Set of Sharpers, and being a young Man of very
little Understanding, having neither Good Sense enough to
be an honest Man nor Wit enough for a Rogue, though with a
strong Inclination, they first cheated him (as he complained
158 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
to me) and then join'd with him to cheat others. For this
purpose they got his Name inserted in the Almanack Royal
of 1782 and 1783 among the Bankers, and the Title of John
Schaffer &° Compagnie, Commissionaires des Etats-Unis de
I'Amerique, Rue des Fosses, St. Marcel, to which Title they
had not the smallest Pretence ; but it served to give them some
Credit with the honest but ignorant Shop-keepers of Paris, with
whose Complaints of our Commissionaires not Paying I have
been greatly troubled. It is by thus running hi Debt, and by
borrowing where he could, that he has for some time subsisted ;
and I understand that for some of these Escroqueries he is now
in Prison. When he was there the first time, about two Years
ago, not having then so bad an Opinion of him, I interested
myself in his Favour, endeavored to accommodate his Affairs,
and lent him some Money in his Distress, which he never
repaid, and yet on various Pretences of Sickness and Misery
has obtained more from me lately, but I am now quite tired
of him as is also Mr. Barclay, and if I have refused to make
use of any Interest I may be supposed to have to screen him
from Punishment, it is because I think it prostituting the
interest of a minister to employ it in protection of knaves ;
and I am really ashamed to appear in his favour, and afraid
that my doing it would tend to lessen the weight of any Ap-
plication I might hereafter have occasion to make in behalf
of an honester Man. The Bill he mentions is I suppose one
of the Loan-Office Interest Bills sent to him by his Brother
thro' the hands of Mr. Barclay, which I accepted, and it will
be paid when presented to Mr. Grand. I make no Objection
to its being deliver'd up to him, though the Creditors, perhaps,
who prosecute him may, for whose Use probably his Effects
have been seized.
1784] TO MRS. GEORGIAN A HARE-BAYLOR 159
The Account he gives of his Riches, is I believe, altogether
as fictitious as his Character [of] Lieut. -Colonel and Commis-
sionaire des Etats-U[nis] but that his father and Brother-in-
law are resp[ectable] persons in Pennsylvania is true. Mr.
Barclay [has] some Knowledge of them : for their sakes if
[the] Punishment of the carcan, which I [hear is] intended
for him, could be commuted for [a] less fletrissant, a longer
Banishment, or [such] like, I should be glad, and if your
Excellency can obtain this for him without too much Trouble
I shall, in their Behalf, acknowledge it as a Favour.
With great Respect, I am, sir, your Excellency's most
obedient and most humble Servant.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. — I return the Letter endors'd. I take it to be
written by one Beaumont, his advocate.
1475. TO MRS- GEORGIANA HARE-NAYLOR1
(L. C.)
Passy, Jan. 25, 1784.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Your Letter of the i2th Inst. came duly to hand. I con-
gratulate you & M* Hare on your Marriage, & wish you
every Felicity.
I will answer your Enquiries as well as I can. The Cul-
tivators of Land are a respectable Part of our People in
Pensilvania, being generally Proprietors of the Land they
cultivate, out of whom are chosen the Majority of our Magis-
1 Georgiana Shipley, daughter of the Bishop of St. Asaph, married in 1 783
Francis Hare-Naylor (1753-1815) of Hurstmonceaux, Sussex, author of plays,
novels, and " History of the Helvetic Republics." — ED.
160 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
trates, Legislators, &c. And a Year's Residence gives a
Stranger all the Rights of a Citizen. I am not much ac-
quainted with Country Affairs, having been always an In-
habitant of Cities; but I imagine a good Plantation ready
form'd, with a Dwelling House, &c. may be bought for half
the Sum you mention to be now in your Possession, and that
the other half would amply furnish the Stock &c. necessary
for working the Land to Advantage. A Farm of two or three
Hundred Acres, in the hands of a Man who understands Ag-
riculture and will attend to it, is capable of furnishing Sub-
sistence to a Family. If this may be the Case with Mr Hare,
you see that your 300^ a Year l will be an accumulating Fund,
providing for the Establishment of Children, and for a Retire-
ment of Ease & Comfort in Old Age. The Law is also an
honourable Profession with us, and more profitable than
Agriculture ; and if Mr Hare is already acquainted with the
English Common Law, which is the Basis of ours, he might
be admitted to practice immediately, and would find but little
Difficulty in acquiring a Knowledge of our few Additions to,
or Variations of that Law ; I have known in my time several
considerable Estates made by that Profession. But the Study
is dry and laborious and long, that is requisite to arrive at
Eminence; and if Mr Hare has not already gone thro' it,
he will consider whether he has the Habits of Application,
Industry & Perseverance that are necessary. Not knowing
his Character & Disposition it is impossible for me to advise
well, or to judge whether sitting down quietly in some cheap
part of Europe, and living prudently on two-thirds of your
Income, may not be preferable to any Scheme in America.
1 An annuity settled upon the Hare-Naylors by the Duchess of Devonshire
after the Bishop of St. Asaph had refused to recognize Hare. — ED.
1784] TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 161
I can only say, that if I should be there when you are, my best
Counsels and Services will not be wanting, and to see you
happily settled & prosperous there would give me infinite
Pleasure; but I have not yet obtained Leave to go home,
and am besides in my Both Year; of course if I ever arrive
there my stay can be but short. While I do exist, wherever
it is, you will find me with unalterable Esteem & Affection,
my dear Friend,
Yours most sincerely.
B. FRANKLIN.
1476. TO MRS. SARAH BACHE (L. c.)
Passy, Jan. 26, 1784.
MY DEAR CHILD,
Your Care in sending me the Newspapers is very agre-
able to me. I received by Capt. Barney those relating to the
Cincinnati. My Opinion of the Institution cannot be of much
Importance; I only wonder that, when the united Wisdom
of our Nation had, in the Articles of Confederation, mani-
fested their Dislike of establishing Ranks of Nobility, by
Authority either of the Congress or of any particular State, a
Number of private Persons should think proper to distinguish
themselves and their Posterity, from their fellow Citizens,
and form an Order of hereditary Knights, in direct Opposition
to the solemnly declared Sense of their Country ! I imagine
it must be likewise contrary to the Good Sense of most of
those drawn into it by the Persuasion of its Projectors, who
have been too much struck with the Ribbands and Crosses
they have seen among them hanging to the Buttonholes of
Foreign Officers. And I suppose those, who disapprove of
VOL. IX — M
162 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
it, have not hitherto given it much Opposition, from a Prin-
ciple somewhat like that of your good Mother, relating to
punctilious Persons, who are always exacting little Observ-
ances of Respect; that, "if People can be pleased with small
Matters, it is a pity but they should have them."
In this View, perhaps, I should not myself, if my Advice
had been ask'd, have objected to their wearing their Ribband
and Badge according to their Fancy, tho' I certainly should
to the entailing it as an Honour on their Posterity. For
Honour, worthily obtain'd (as for Example that of our
Officers), is in its Nature a personal Thing, and incommuni-
cable to any but those who had some Share in obtaining it.
Thus among the Chinese, the most ancient, and from long
Experience the wisest of Nations, honour does not descend,
but ascends. If a man from his Learning, his Wisdom, or
his Valour, is promoted by the Emperor to the Rank of Man-
darin, his Parents are immediately entitled to all the same
Ceremonies of Respect from the People, that are established
as due to the Mandarin himself ; on the supposition that it
must have been owing to the Education, Instruction, and
good Example afforded him by his Parents, that he was ren-
dered capable of serving the Publick.
This ascending Honour is therefore useful to the State,
as it encourages Parents to give their Children a good and
virtuous Education. But the descending Honour, to Pos-
terity who could have no Share in obtaining it, is not only
groundless and absurd, but often hurtful to that Posterity,
since it is apt to make them proud, disdaining to be employed
in useful Arts, and thence falling into Poverty, and all the
Meannesses, Servility, and Wretchedness attending it ; which
is the present case with much of what is called the Noblesse
1784] TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 163
in Europe. Or if, to keep up the Dignity of the Family,
Estates are entailed entire on the Eldest male heir, another
Pest to Industry and Improvement of the Country is intro-
duc'd, which will be folio wed by all the odious mixture of pride
and Beggary, and idleness, that have half depopulated [and
decultivated] Spain ; occasioning continual Extinction of Fam-
ilies by the Discouragements of Marriage [and neglect in the
improvement of estates].1
I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on
with their Project, would direct the Badges of their Order to
be worn by their Parents, instead of handing them down to
their Children. It would be a good Precedent, and might
have good Effects. It would also be a kind of Obedience to
the Fourth Commandment, in which God enjoins us to
honour our Father and Mother, but has nowhere directed us
to honour our Children. And certainly no mode of honour-
ing those immediate Authors of our Being can be more effec-
tual, than that of doing praiseworthy Actions, which reflect
Honour on those who gave us our Education ; or more becom-
ing, than that of manifesting, by some public Expression or
Token, that it is to their Instruction and Example we ascribe
the Merit of those Actions.
But the Absurdity of descending Honours is not a mere
Matter of philosophical Opinion; it is capable of mathe-
matical Demonstration. A Man's Son, for instance, is but
half of his Family, the other half belonging to the Family of
his Wife. His Son, too, marrying into another Family, his
Share in the Grandson is but a fourth ; in the Great Grand-
son, by the same Process, it is but an Eighth; in the next
Generation a Sixteenth ; the next a Thirty-second ; the next
1 Passages in brackets are not found in the draft in L. C. — ED.
164 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
a Sixty-fourth; the next an Hundred and twenty-eighth;
the next a Two hundred and Fifty-sixth; and the next a
Five hundred and twelfth; thus in nine Generations, which
will not require more than 300 years (no very great Antiquity
for a Family), our present Chevalier of the Order of Cin-
cinnatus's Share in the then existing Knight, will be but a
5 1 2th part; which, allowing the present certain Fidelity of
American Wives to be insur'd down through all those Nine
Generations, is so small a Consideration, that methinks no
reasonable Man would hazard for the sake of it the disagreable
Consequences of the Jealousy, Envy, and 111 will of his
Countrymen.
Let us go back with our Calculation from this young Noble,
the 5 1 2th part of the present Knight, thro' his nine Genera-
tions, till we return to the year of the Institution. He must
have had a Father and Mother, they are two. Each of them
had a father and Mother, they are four. Those of the next
preceding Generation will be eight, the next Sixteen, the next
thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next one hundred and
Twenty-eight, the next Two hundred and fifty-six, and the
ninth in this Retrocession Five hundred and twelve, who must
be now existing, and all contribute their Proportion of this
future Chevalier de Cincinnatus. These, with the rest, make
together as follows:
2
4
8
16
3*
64
128
256
JI2
Total 1 02 2
1784] TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 165
One Thousand and Twenty-two Men and Women, contrib-
utors to the formation of one Knight. And, if we are to
have a Thousand of these future knights, there must be now
and hereafter existing One million and Twenty-two Thou-
sand Fathers and Mothers, who are to contribute to their
Production, unless a Part of the Number are employ 'd in
making more Knights than One. Let us strike off then the
22,000, on the Supposition of this double Employ, and then
consider whether, after a reasonable Estimation of the Num-
ber of Rogues, and Fools, and Royalists and Scoundrels and
Prostitutes, that are mix'd with, and help to make up neces-
sarily their Million of Predecessors, Posterity will have much
reason to boast of the noble Blood of the then existing Set
of Chevaliers de Cincinnatus. [The future genealogists, too,
of these Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of their
honour through so many generations (even supposing honour
capable in its nature of descending), will only prove the small
share of this honour, which can be justly claimed by any one
of them ; since the above simple process in arithmetic makes
it quite plain and clear that, in proportion as the antiquity
of the family shall augment, the right to the honour of the an-
cestor will diminish ; and a few generations more would re-
duce it to something so small as to be very near an absolute
nullity.] I hope, therefore, that the Order will drop this part
of their project, and content themselves, as the Knights of
the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. Louis, and other Orders of
Europe do, with a Life Enjoyment of their little Badge and
Ribband, and let the Distinction die with those who have
merited it. This I imagine will give no offence. For my
own part, I shall think it a Convenience, when I go into a
Company where there may be Faces unknown to me, if I
166 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
discover, by this Badge, the Persons who merit some particu-
lar Expression of my Respect ; and it will save modest Virtue
the Trouble of calling for our Regard, by awkward round-
about Intimations of having been heretofore employed in
the Continental Service.
The Gentleman, who made the Voyage to France to pro-
vide the Ribands and Medals, has executed his Commission.
To me they seem tolerably done; but all such Things are
criticis'd. Some find Fault with the Latin, as wanting classic
Elegance and Correctness ; and, since our Nine Universities
were not able to furnish better Latin, it was pity, they say,
that the Mottos had not been in English. Others object to
the Title, as not properly assumable by any but Gen. Wash-
ington, [and a few others] who serv'd without Pay. Others
object to the Bald Eagle as looking too much like a Dindon,
or Turkey. For my own part, I wish the Bald Eagle had not
been chosen as the Representative of our Country; he is a
Bird of bad moral Character; he does not get his living
honestly; you may have seen him perch'd on some dead
Tree, near the River where, too lazy to fish for himself, he
watches the Labour of the Fishing-Hawk; and, when that
diligent Bird has at length taken a Fish, and is bearing it to
his Nest for the support of his Mate and young ones, the
Bald Eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all
this Injustice he is never in good Case ; but, like those among
Men who live by Sharping and Robbing, he is generally poor,
and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank Coward; the
little KingBird, not bigger than a Sparrow, attacks him boldly
and drives him out of the District. He is therefore by no
means a proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati
of America, who have driven all the Kingbirds from our
1784] TO MRS. SARAH BACHE 167
Country ; though exactly fit for that Order of Knights, which
the French call Chevaliers d 'Industrie.
I am, on this account, not displeas'd that the Figure is not
known as a Bald Eagle, but looks more like a Turk'y. For
in Truth, the Turk'y is in comparison a much more respect-
able Bird, and withal a true original Native of America.
Eagles have been found in all Countries, but the Turk'y was
peculiar to ours ; the first of the Species seen in Europe being
brought to France by the Jesuits from Canada, and serv'd
up at the Wedding Table of Charles the Ninth.1 He is,
[though a little vain and silly, it is true, but not the worse
emblem for that,] a Bird of Courage, and would not hesitate
to attack a Grenadier of the British Guards, who should pre-
sume to invade his Farm Yard with a red Coat on.
I shall not enter into the Criticisms made upon their Latin.
The gallant officers of America may [not have the merit of
being] be no great scholars, but they undoubtedly merit
much, [as brave soldiers,] from their Country, which should
therefore not leave them merely to Fame for their " Virtutis
Premium" which is one of their Latin Mottos. Their " Esto
perpetua" another, is an excellent Wish, if they meant it for
their Country; bad, if intended for their Order. The
States should not only restore to them the Omnia of their
first Motto,2 which many of them have left and lost, but pay
them justly, and reward them generously. They should not
1 A learned friend of the Editor's has observed to him, that this is a mis-
take, as Turkeys were found in great plenty by Cortes, when he invaded and
conquered Mexico, before the time of Charles the Twelfth. That this, and
their being brought to old Spain, is mentioned by Peter Martyr of Anghiera,
who was Secretary of the Council to the Indies, established immediately after
the discovery of America, and personally acquainted with Columbus. — W. T. F.
8 " Omnia reliquit servare rempublicam." — ED.
168 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
be suffered to remain, with [all] their new-created Chivalry,
entirely in the Situation of the Gentleman in the Story, which
their omnia reliquit reminds me of. You know every thing
makes me recollect some Story. He had built a very fine
House, and thereby much impair'd his Fortune. He had a
Pride, however, in showing it to his Acquaintance. One of
them, after viewing it all, remark'd a Motto over the Door,
"OIA VANITAS." "What," says he, "is the Meaning of
this OIA ? it is a word I don't understand." " I will tell you,"
said the Gentleman; "I had a mind to have the Motto cut
on a Piece of smooth Marble, but there was not room for it
between the Ornaments, to be put in Characters large enough
to be read. I therefore made use of a Contraction antiently
very common in Latin Manuscripts, by which the w's and w's
in Words are omitted, and the Omission noted by a little
Dash above, which you may see there ; so that the Word is
omnia, OMNIA VANITAS." "O," says his Friend, "I now
comprehend the Meaning of your motto, it relates to your
Edifice ; and signifies, that, if you have abridged your Omnia,
you have, nevertheless, left your VANITAS legible at full
length." I am, as ever, your affectionate father,
B. FRANKLIN.
1477- TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS 1 (p. c.)
Passy, Feb. I, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I receiv'd duly yours of the 23rd past, as well as those
therein mentioned, with the Enclosed for the Office of Foreign
1 From the original in the autograph collection of Mr. Simon Gratz. — ED.
1784] TO HENRY LAURENS 169
Affairs, all of which except the last are forwarded, and that
will go next Wednesday. I thank you for the Opportunity
given me of seeing the Intelligence they contain. I sent you
5 or 6 Weeks since, a Packet containing some fresh American
Newspapers. You do not mention receiving them. They
went by a Person whose Name I have forgot. He had for-
merly been in the House of Messrs de Neufville. I wrote
at the same time a few Lines. I am ever, Dear Sir,
Your faithful humble
Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. I condole with you on the Loss of the Ship men-
tion'd in the enclos'd Newspaper.
1478. TO HENRY LAURENS l (L. c.)
Passy, February 12, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I received your favour of the 3d instant by your son, with the
newspapers, for which I thank you. The disorders of that
government, whose constitution has been so much praised,
are come to a height that threatens some violent convulsion,
if not a dissolution ; and its Physicians do not even seem to
guess at the cause of the disease, and therefore prescribe in-
sufficient remedies, such as place bills, more equal representa-
tion, more frequent elections, &c. &c. In my humble opinion,
the malady consists in the enormous salaries, emoluments, and
patronage of great offices. Ambition and avarice are sep-
arately strong passions. When they are united in pursuit
1 From a transcript in L. C. — ED.
170 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
of the same object, they are too strong to be governed by com-
mon prudence, or influenced by public spirit and love of coun-
try ; they drive men irresistibly into factions, cabals, dissen-
sions, and violent divisions, always mischievous to public
councils, destructive to the peace of society, and sometimes
fatal to its existence. As long as the immense profits of these
offices subsist, members of the shortest and most equally
chosen parliaments will have them in view, and contend for
them, and their contentions will have all the same ruinous
consequences.
To me, then, there seems to be but one effectual remedy,
and that not likely to be adopted by so corrupt a nation;
which is, to abolish these profits, and make every place,of
honour a place of burthen. By that means the effect of one of
the passions above-mentioned would be taken away, and some-
thing would be added to counteract the other. Thus the
number of competitors for great offices would be dimin-
ished, and the efforts of those who still would obtain them
moderated.
Thank God we have now less connection with the affairs
of these people and are more at liberty to take care of our own,
which I hope we shall manage better.
We have a terrible winter here ; such another in this coun-
try is not remembered by any man living. The snow has been
thick upon the ground ever since Christmas; and the frost
constant. My Grandson joins in best compliments to your-
self and Miss Laurens. With sincere esteem and affection,
I have the honour to be, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1784] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 171
1479. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN (L. c.)
Passy, Feb. 16, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I receiv'd and read with Pleasure your kind Letter of the
first Inst,1 as it inform'd me of the Welfare of you and yours.
I am glad the Accounts you have from your Kinswoman at
Philadelphia 2 are agreable, and I shall be happy if any Rec-
ommendations from me can be serviceable to Dr. Ross,8 or
any other friend of yours, going to America.
Your arguments, persuading me to come once more to
England, are very powerful. To be sure, I long to see again
my Friends there, whom I love abundantly; but there are
difficulties and Objections of several kinds, which at present
I do not see how to get over.
I lament with you the political Disorders England at pres-
ent labours under. Your Papers are full of strange Accounts
of Anarchy and Confusion in America, of which we know
nothing, while your own Affairs are really in a Situation de-
plorable. In my humble Opinion, the Root of the Evil lies
not so much in too long, or too unequally chosen Parliaments,
as in the enormous Salaries, Emoluments, and Patronage
of your great Offices ; and that you will never be at rest till
they are all abolish'd, and every place of Honour made at the
1 A. P. s. — ED.
* Strahan had acknowledged warmly " the very friendly and effectual patron-
age " Franklin's family in America had afforded his " poor, helpless and sin-
gularly distressed kinswoman, than whom none can be more grateful, or more
deserving the great kindness you have shewn her." — ED.
» Dr. Ross had spent some time in the East as physician to the army; his
health failing, he returned to follow his profession in North America. — ED.
172 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
same time, instead of a Place of Profit, a place of Expence and
burthen.
Ambition and avarice are each of them strong Passions,
and when they are united in the same Persons, and have the
same Objects in view for their Gratification, they are too
strong for Public Spirit and Love of Country, and are apt to
produce the most violent Factions and Contentions. They
should therefore be separated, and made to act one against
the other. Those Places, to speak in our old stile (Brother
Type), may be for the good of the Chapel, but they are bad
for the Master, as they create constant Quarrels that hinder
the Business. For example, here are near two Months that
your Government has been employed in getting its form to
press; which is not yet fit to work on, every Page of it being
squabbled, and the whole ready to fall into pye. The Founts
too must be very scanty, or strangely out of sorts, since your
Compositors cannot find either upper or lower case Letters
sufficient to set the word ADMINISTRATION, but are f orc'd to be
continually turning for them. However, to return to com-
mon (tho' perhaps too saucy) Language, don't despair; you
have still one resource left, and that not a bad one, since it
may reunite the Empire. We have some Remains of Affec-
tion for you, and shall always be ready to receive and take
care of you in Case of Distress. So if you have not Sense
and Virtue enough to govern yourselves, e'en dissolve
your present old crazy Constitution, and send members to
Congress.
You will say my Advice "smells of Madeira" You are
right. This foolish Letter is mere chitchat between our-
selves over the second bottle. If, therefore, you show it to
anybody, (except our indulgent Friends, Dagge and Lady
1784] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES "173
Strahan) I will positively Solless you. Yours ever most
affectionately, B. F[RANKLIN.]
1480. TO JEAN BAPTISTE LE ROY (A. p. s.)
Passy, Feb. 25, 1784
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Enclosed I send you a Letter * and sundry Papers I lately
recd from Mr Eckhardt of Utrecht, a most ingenious Mech-
anician whom I first knew in London. You will see what he
desires and what Answer I have made him. If you can do
him any Service, I need not pray you to do it, because you
have a Pleasure in assisting Genius. Show if you please
what he says of the Baloons, to Mr Montgolfier. I long to
see you, being ever
Yours most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
1481. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (A. p. s.)
Passy, Feb. 26, 1784.
SIR : — Mr. Williams, desiring no farther Surseance against
the Bulk of his Creditors, with whom he has amicably arranged
his Affairs, and to whom he proposes to do exact Justice, I
the more willingly join my Request with his, that he may be
secured against the small Number remaining, who aim at
forcing him to favour them to the Prejudice of the others. I
am, with great Respect, Sir, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 The postscript to this letter from Eckhardt, January 18, 1784, is in A. P.
S. — ED.
174 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1482. TO JOHN PAUL JONES *
Passy, March 4, 1784.
SIR : — I return herewith the paper you communicated to
me yesterday. I perceive by the extract from M. de Sartine's
letter that it was his intention that all the charges which had
accrued upon the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough
should be deducted from the prize-money payable to the
captors, particularly the expense of victualling the seamen
and prisoners, and that the liquidation of those charges
should be referred to me. This liquidation, however, never
was referred to me, and, if it had been, I should have been
cautious of acting in it, having received no power from the
captors, either French or Americans, authorizing me to de-
cide upon anything respecting their interests. And I cer-
tainly should not have agreed to charge the American captors
with any part of the expense of maintaining the 600 pris-
oners in Holland till they should be exchanged for Americans
in England, as was your intention, and as we both had been
made to expect. With great esteem I have the honour to
be, etc., B. FRANKLIN.
1483. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN2
DEAR SIR, Pass* March $> ^
You mention, that I may now see verified all you said about
binding down England to so hard a peace. I suppose you do
1 Printed from "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin" (Bigelow),
Vol. VIII, p. 452. -ED.
2 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 457. — ED.
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN '175
not mean by the American treaty; for we were exceeding
favourable, in not insisting on the reparations so justly due
for the wanton burnings of our fine towns, and devastations
of our plantations in a war, now universally allowed to have
been originally unjust. I may add, that you will also see
verified all I said about the article respecting the royalists,
that it will occasion more mischief than it was intended to
remedy, and that it would have been better to have omitted
all mention of them. England might have rewarded them
according to their merits at no very great expense. After
the harms they had done to us, it was imprudent to insist on
our doing them good.
I am sorry for the overturn you mention of those benefi-
cial systems of commerce, that would have been exemplary
to mankind. The making England entirely a free port
would have been the wisest step ever taken for its advan-
tage.
I wish much to see what you say a respectable friend of mine
has undertaken to write respecting the peace. It is a pity it
has been delayed. If it had appeared earlier, it might have
prevented much mischief, by securing our friends in their
situations ; for we know not who will succeed them, nor what
credit they will hold.
By my doubts of the propriety of my going soon to London,
I meant no reflection on my friends or yours. If I had any
call there besides the pleasure of seeing those whom I love,
I should have no doubts. If I live to arrive there, I shall
certainly embrace your kind invitation, and take up my abode
with you. Make my compliments and respects acceptable
to Mrs. Vaughan. I know not what foundation there can be
for saying that I abuse England as much as before the peace.
176 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
I am not apt, I think, to be abusive ; of the two, I had rather
be abused.
Enclosed are the letters you desire. I wish to hear from
you more frequently, and to have, through you, such new
pamphlets, as you may think worth my reading. I am ever,
my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN
1484. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (A. p. s.)
Passy, March 5, 1784.
SIR, I received the letter which your Excellency did me
the honour of writing to me,1 respecting the necessity of pro-
ducing legal proof of the arrangement made with the creditors
mentioned in Mr. Williams' state of his affairs. I am much
obliged by the attention you are so good as to afford this
business on my recommendation, and I send herewith the
original of those arrangements, for your inspection. With
great respect, I am, sir, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. — These papers being Mr. Williams' only discharge,
he requests they may be returned to him after examination.
1485. TO CHARLES THOMSON2
gIR Passy, March 9, 1784.
I received a few days since a letter from Annapolis, dated
June the 5th, in your handwriting, but not signed, acquaint-
1 A letter dated March 4, 1784, and written in reply to Franklin's letter of
February 26, 1784. — ED.
2 From " Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States" (Sparks), Vol.
I»P-377- — ED.
1784] TO CHARLES THOMSON 177
ing the Commissioners with the causes of delay in sending the
ratification of the definitive treaty. The term was expired
before that letter came to hand ; but I hope no difficulty will
arise from a failure in a point not essential, and which was
occasioned by accidents. I have just received from Mr.
Hartley a letter on the subject, of which I enclose a copy.
We have had a terrible winter, too, here, such as the oldest
men do not remember, and indeed it has been very severe all
over Europe.
I have exchanged ratifications with the ambassador of
Sweden, and enclose a copy of that I received from him.
Mr. Jay is lately returned from England. Mr. Laurens
is still there, but proposes departing for America next month,
as does also Mr. Jay, with his family. Mr. Adams is in
Holland, where he has been detained by business and bad
weather. These absences have occasioned some delays in
our business, but not of much importance.
The war long expected between the Turks and Russians
is prevented by a treaty, and it is thought an accommodation
will likewise take place between them and the Emperor.
Everything here continues friendly and favourable to the
United States. I am pestered continually with numbers of
letters from people in different parts of Europe, who would
go to settle in America, but who manifest very extravagant
expectations, such as I can by no means encourage, and who
appear otherwise to be very improper persons. To save
myself trouble, I have just printed some copies of the en-
closed little piece, which I purpose to send hereafter in answer
to such letters. Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to
Congress, and believe me to be, with sincere esteem, dear
Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
VOL. IX — N
I78 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1486. TO HENRY LAURENS (L. c.)
Passy, March 12th, 1784
DEAR SIR : — I received your kind letter by Mr. Chollet
with the Pamphlets and newspapers, and since, a paper of
the 5th, which came under cover to Mr. Grand. I am much
obliged to you for these Communications.
Your sentiments and mine respecting the continual Drafts
on Europe coincide perfectly. I have just received a letter
from Mr. Carmichael dated the i4th past, in which he says;
" Bills from Congress come to hand from time to time, some
of which Mr. M. has advised me of ; the others I am at a loss
what to do with ; but having no Instructions to the contrary
I cannot refuse accepting them. I should be glad to know
your sentiments thereon." All I can say to him in answer is,
that it will behove him to consider where he can find Funds
for Payment, since there is not the smallest Probability that I
shall be able to assist him from hence. Sure it must be some
unavoidable necessity that induces so prudent a Man as
Mr. Morris to take such Measures : and the several States
must be much to blame to leave him under that necessity.
I heartily wish you success in your Endeavors to recover
your £2,800 from the Treasury. I know too well the Dex-
terity of that Board (Dexterity is acquired by much Practice)
in fighting off Payments, not to think you very lucky if you
can obtain your Right by only mounting twice more their 70
steps.
The Commission for a Commercial Treaty, ordered to be
prepared by the Vote of May last, is indeed not yet come to
hand; but by their sending us repeatedly Copies of that
1784] TO HENRY LAURENS 179
Vote ; and nothing more, it looks as if they thought we might
proceed, by virtue of it, to prepare a Plan of a Treaty. Hav-
ing written expressly on the subject, we may expect soon to
know their minds more perfectly.
I thank you much for your information of the proceedings
of the West India People. It seems to me that we cannot be
much hurt by any selfish Regulations the English may make
respecting our Trade with their Islands. Those who at pres-
ent wish to kick the Hedge-hog, will grow tired of that sport
when they find their own Toes bleed.
I have just received a letter from the Secretary of Congress,
Mr. Thomson, of which I inclose a Copy. The Term for
exchanging the Ratifications was expired before it came to
hand. Mr. Hartley having frequently written to me to know
if the Ratification was arrived, I have communicated to him
this Letter, that he might see the delay was occasioned only
by qnforeseen Accidents, and that we had reason to expect
receiving it by the return of the Washington Packet. I do not
imagine that any difficulty will be occasioned by this Circum-
stance; but perhaps it may not be amiss, if you are well
enough, to see Mr. Hartley on the subject, and should any
Agreement to extend the Term be necessary, you can enter
into it as well as if we were all present.
I write this in great pain from the Gout in both Feet ; but
my young friend, your son, having informed me that he sets
out for London to-morrow, I could not slip the opportunity,
as perhaps it is the only safe one that may occur before your
departure for America. I wish mine was as near. I think I
have reason to complain, that I am so long without an answer
from Congress to my request of Recall. I wish rather to die
in my own Country than here; and though the upper part
i8o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
of the Building appears yet tolerably firm, yet, being under-
min'd by the Stone and Gout united, its Fall cannot be far
distant.
You are so good as to offer me your friendly Services. You
cannot do me one more acceptable at present, than that of
forwarding my Dismission. In all other respects, as well as
that, I shall ever look on your Friendship as an Honour to me ;
being with sincere and great esteem, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P.S. March 13** Having had a tolerable night, I find
myself something better this morning. In reading over my
letter, I perceive an Omission of my thanks for your kind
Assurances of never forsaking my Defence, should there be
need. I apprehend that the violent Antipathy of a certain
person to me may have produced some Calumnies, which,
what you have seen and heard here may enable you easily to
refute. You will thereby exceedingly oblige one, who has
lived beyond all other Ambition, than that of dying with the
fair Character he has long endeavoured to deserve. As to
my Infallibility, which you do not undertake to maintain, I
am too modest myself to claim it, that is, in general; tho'
when we come to particulars > I, like other, people, give it up
with difficulty. Steele says, that the difference between the
Church of Rome, and the Church of England on that point,
is only this; that the one pretends to be infallible, and the
other to be never in the wrong. In this latter Sense, we are
most of us Church of England men, though few of us confess
it, and express it so naturally and frankly, as a certain great
Lady here, who said, "I don't know how it happens, but I
meet with nobody, except myself, that is always in the right ;
// n'y a que moi qui a toujours raison"
1784] TO LA SABLIERE DE LA CONDAMINE 181
My Grandson joins me in affectionate Respects to you and
the young lady ; with best wishes for your Health and Pros-
perity.
1487. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON l (P. c.)
Passy, March 19, 1784.
You will forget me quite, my dear old Friend, if I do not
write to you now and then.
I still exist, and still enjoy some Pleasure in that Existence,
tho' now in my 79th year. Yet I feel the Infirmities of Age
come on so fast, and the Building to need so many Repairs,
that in a little time the Owner will find it cheaper to pull it
down and build a new one. I wish, however, to see you first,
but I begin to doubt the Possibility. My Children join in
Love to you and yours, with your affectionate Friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
1488. TO LA SABLIERE DE LA CONDAMINE2
(A. P. S.)
Passy, March 19, 1784
SIR,
I received the very obliging Letter you did me honour of
writing to me the 8th Inst. with the epigram 8 &c. for which
please to accept my Thanks.
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
2 A physician who wrote to Franklin from " Chateau de Colet a Steroman
de Beauvoir, par St. Marcellin, en Dauphine, le 8 Mars 1784" (A. P. S.). He
was the author of" Memoires sur PInoculation de la Petite Verole," Paris, 1768
— ED.
8 " Epigramme — sur les Balons aerostatiques dont tout le monde raffole
aujourd'hui.
Charles, Pilatres, Montgolfier,
Vos balons aerostatiques,
1 82 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
You desire my Sentiments concerning the Cures perform'd
by Comus & Mesmer. I think that in general, Maladies
caus'd by Obstructions may be treated by Electricity with
Advantage. As to the Animal Magnetism, so much talk'd
of, I am totally unacquainted with it, and must doubt its
Existence till I can see or feel some Effect of it. None of
the Cures said to be perform'd by it, have fallen under my
Observation ; and there being so many Disorders which cure
themselves and such a Disposition in Mankind to deceive
themselves and one another on these Occasions; and living
long having given me frequent Opportunities of seeing certain
Remedies cry'd up as curing everything, and yet soon after
totally laid aside as useless, I cannot but fear that the Expec-
tation of great Advantage from the new Method of treating
Diseases, will prove a Delusion. That Delusion may how-
ever in some cases be of use while it lasts. There are in every
great rich City a Number of Persons who are never in health,
because they are fond of Medicines and always taking them,
whereby they derange the natural Functions, and hurt their
Constitutions. If these People can be persuaded to forbear
J'en conviens, sont fort magnifiques ;
Mais, on ne S9auroit s'y fier. —
— Laissons a chacun son domaine ;
Dieu fit les airs pour les oiseaux,
Aux poissons il donna les eaux,
Et la terre a 1'espece humaine, —
Cultivons-la mes chers amis, —
Traivaillons, — c'est la mon avis ;
Nous en ferons mieux nos affaires ;
Tandisque est fous imprudens,
Livres a leurs doctes chimeres,
Iront, voyageurs temeraires,
Prendre la lune avec les dents."
This feu d' esprit was sent by its author to the General Journal of France,
but it was rejected. — ED.
1784] AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT 183
their Drugs in Expectation of being cured by only the Phy-
sician's Finger or an Iron Rod pointing at them, they may
possibly find good Effects tho' they mistake the Cause. I
have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
[B. FRANKLIN.]
1489. TO M. MAZUE l (A. P. s.)
Passy, March 19, 1784
SIR
I received your Favour of the 27th past, proposing the Cul-
tivation of the Vine hi America. Our people conceive that
it is yet too early to put such a project in Execution. Labour
is too dear there, and the Culture of Wheat more profitable
& certain ; in Exchange for which either directly or indirectly,
we can procure the Wines of Europe.
I cannot therefore give you any Hopes of Success in such
an Enterprise; for tho' proper Land & Climate might be
found, the Wines could not be produc'd so cheap as they are
imported. I have the honour to be Sir
[B. FRANKLIN.]
1490. AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT2
TO THE AUTHORS OF THE JOURNAL OF PARIS.
MESSIEURS,
You often entertain us with accounts of new discoveries.
Permit me to communicate to the public, through your paper,
1 In answer to a letter from Marseilles, dated February 27, 1784 (A. P. S.).
— ED.
2 No attempt has hitherto been made to assign a date to this bagatelle.
Quinquet invented the lamp that bears his name early in 1784. Evidently
184 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
one that has lately been made by myself, and which I conceive
may be of great utility.
I was the other evening in a grand company, where the
new lamp of Messrs. Quinquet and Lange was introduced,
and much admired for its splendour; but a general inquiry
was made, whether the oil it consumed was not in proportion
to the light it afforded, in which case there would be no sav-
ing in the use of it. No one present could satisfy us hi that
point, which all agreed ought to be known, it being a very
desirable thing to lessen, if possible, the expense of lighting
our apartments, when every other article of family expense
was so much augmented.
I was pleased to see this general concern for economy, for
I love economy exceedingly.
I went home, and to bed, three or four hours after midnight,
with my head full of the subject. An accidental sudden
noise waked me about six in the morning, when I was sur-
prised to find my room filled with light; and I imagined at
first, that a number of those lamps had been brought into it ;
but, rubbing my eyes, I perceived the light came in at the win-
dows. I got up and looked out to see what might be the
occasion of it, when I saw the sun just rising above the
horizon, from whence he poured his rays plentifully into my
chamber, my domestic having negligently omitted, the pre-
ceding evening, to close the shutters.
I looked at my watch, which goes very well, and found that
it was but six o'clock; and still thinking it something ex-
traordinary that the sun should rise so early, I looked into the
this article was written while that lamp was still exciting curiosity by its
novelty. From page 186 it appears that the exact day of the composition was
March 20, 1784. — ED.
1784] AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT 185
almanac, where I found it to be the hour given for his rising
on that day. I looked forward, too, and found he was to
rise still earlier every day till towards the end of June; and
that at no time in the year he retarded his rising so long as
till eight o'clock. Your readers, who with me have never
seen any signs of sunshine before noon, and seldom regard
the astronomical part of the almanac, will be as much aston-
ished as I was, when they hear of his rising so early; and
especially when I assure them, that he gives light as soon as
he rises. I am convinced of this. I am certain of my fact.
One cannot be more certain of any fact. I saw it with my
own eyes. And, having repeated this observation the three
following mornings, I found always precisely the same re-
sult.
Yet it so happens, that when I speak of this discovery to
others, I can easily perceive by their countenances, though
they forbear expressing it in words, that they do not quite
believe me. One, indeed, who is a learned natural philoso-
pher, has assured me that I must certainly be mistaken as
to the circumstance of the light coming into my room; for
it being well known, as he says, that there could be no light
abroad at that hour, it follows that none could enter from
without ; and that of consequence, my windows being accident-
ally left open, instead of letting in the light, had only served
to let out the darkness; and he used many ingenious argu-
ments to show me how I might, by that means, have been
deceived. I owned that he puzzled me a little, but he did not
satisfy me ; and the subsequent observations I made, as above
mentioned, confirmed me in my first opinion.
This event has given rise in my mind to several serious
and important reflections. I considered that, if I had not
1 86 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
been awakened so early in the morning, I should have slept
six hours longer by the light of the sun, and in exchange have
lived six hours the following night by candle-light; and, the
latter being a much more expensive light than the former, my
love of economy induced me to muster up what little arith-
metic I was master of, and to make some calculations, which I
shall give you, after observing that utility is, in my opinion
the test of value in matters of invention, and that a discovery
which can be applied to no use, or is not good for something,
is good for nothing.
I took for the basis of my calculation the supposition that
there are one hundred thousand families in Paris, and that
these families consume in the night half a pound of bougies,
or candles, per hour. I think this is a moderate allowance,
taking one family with another; for though I believe some
consume less, I know that many consume a great deal more.
Then estimating seven hours per day as the medium quantity
between the time of the sun's rising and ours, he rising during
the six following months from six to eight hours before noon,
and there being seven hours of course per night in which we
burn candles, the account will stand thus ; —
In the six months between the 2Oth of March and the 2oth
of September, there are
Nights 183
Hours of each night hi which we burn candles 7
Multiplication gives for the total number of
hours 1,281
These 1,281 hours multiplied by 100,000, the
number of inhabitants, give 128,100,000
One hundred twenty- eight millions and one
hundred thousand hours, spent at Paris by
1784] AN ECONOMICAL PROJECT 187
candle-light, which, at half a pound of wax
and tallow per hour, gives the weight of . . 64,050,000
Sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of pounds,
which, estimating the whole at the medium
price of thirty sols the pound, makes the sum
of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thou-
sand livres tournois 96,075,000
An immense sum ! that the city of Paris might save every
year, by the economy of using sunshine instead of candles.
If it should be said, that people are apt to be obstinately
attached to old customs, and that it will be difficult to in-
duce them to rise before noon, consequently my discovery
can be of little use ; I answer, Nil desperandum. I believe all
who have common sense, as soon as they have learnt from
this paper that it is daylight when the sun rises, will contrive
to rise with him; and, to compel the rest, I would propose
the following regulations;
First. Let a tax be laid of a louis per window, on every
window that is provided with shutters to keep out the light
of the sun.
Second. Let the same salutary operation of police be
made use of, to prevent our burning candles, that inclined
us last winter to be more economical in burning wood ; that
is, let guards be placed in the shops of the wax and tallow
chandlers, and no family be permitted to be supplied with
more than one pound of candles per week.
Third. Let guards also be posted to stop all the coaches,
&c. that would pass the streets after sun-set, except those of
physicians, surgeons, and midwives.
Fourth. Every morning, as soon as the sun rises, let all
the bells in every church be set ringing; and if that is not
i88 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
sufficient, let cannon be fired in every street, to wake the
sluggards effectually, and make them open their eyes to see
their true interest.
All the difficulty will be in the first two or three days ; after
which the reformation will be as natural and easy as the pres-
ent irregularity; for, ce n'est que le premier pas qui coftte.
Oblige a man to rise at four hi the morning, and it is more
than probable he will go willingly to bed at eight in the
evening ; and, having had eight hours sleep, he will rise more
willingly at four in the morning following. But this sum of
ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres is not the
whole of what may be saved by my economical project. You
may observe, that I have calculated upon only one half of
the year, and much may be saved hi the other, though the
days are shorter. Besides, the immense stock of wax and
tallow left unconsumed during the summer, will probably
make candles much cheaper for the ensuing winter, and con-
tinue them cheaper as long as the proposed reformation
shall be supported.
For the great benefit of this discovery, thus freely com-
municated and bestowed by me on the public, I demand
neither place, pension, exclusive privilege, nor any other
reward whatever. I expect only to have the honour of it.
And yet I know there are little, envious minds, who will, as
usual, deny me this, and say, that my invention was known
to the ancients, and perhaps they may bring passages out of
the old books in proof of it. I will not dispute with these
people, that the ancients knew not the sun would rise at
certain hours; they possibly had, as we have, almanacs that
predicted it ; but it does not follow thence, that they knew he
gave light as soon as he rose. This is what I claim as my dis-
1784] TO JOHN PAUL JONES 189
covery. If the ancients knew it, it might have been long
since forgotten ; for it certainly was unknown to the moderns,
at least to the Parisians, which to prove, I need use but one
plain simple argument. They are as well instructed, judi-
cious, and prudent a people as exist anywhere in the world,
all professing, like myself, to be lovers of economy; and,
from the many heavy taxes required from them by the
necessities of the state, have surely an abundant reason to be
economical. I say it is impossible that so sensible a people,
under such circumstances, should have lived so long by the
smoky, unwholesome, and enormously expensive light of
candles, if they had really known, that they might have had
as much pure light of the sun for nothing. I am, &c.
A SUBSCRIBER.
1491. TO JOHN PAUL JONES (B. if.)
Passy, March 25, 1784
SIR
I return herewith the Papers you communicated to me
yesterday. I perceive by the Extract from M. de Sartine's
Letter 1 that it was his Intention all the Charges which had
accru'd upon the Serapis and Countess oj Scarborough should
be deducted from the Prize money payable to the Captors,
particularly the Expence of Victualling the Seamen and
Prisoners ; and that the Liquidation of those Charges should
be referr'd to me. This Liquidation however never was
referr'd to me; and if it had, I should have been cautious
of acting in it, having receiv'd no Power from the Captors,
either French or Americans, authorising me to decide upon
1 Dated May 29, 1780. — ED.
190 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
anything respecting their Interests. And I certainly should
not have agreed to charge the American Captors with any
Part of the Expence of maintaining the 600 Prisoners in
Holland till they could be exchanged, when none of them were
exchanged for Americans in England, as was your Intention,
& as we both had been made to expect.
With great Esteem, I have the honour to be
Sir, Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN
1492. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy March 31, 1784
SIR
I have the honour of acquainting your Excellency, that
our express from Congress is at last arrived, with their
Ratification of the Definitive Treaty. Inclosed I send Copies
of the President's Letter, the Recommendatory Resolution,
and the Proclamation, together with three Letters for your-
self. We have written to Mr Hartley that we are now ready
to make the Exchange.
With great Respect, I am, etc.
B. FRANKLIN.
• i ;
1493. TO CHARLES THOMSON '
Passy, March 31, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I write this line by the English packet, just to inform you,
that Colonel Harmar arrived here last Monday evening with
1 First printed by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 439. — ED.
1784] TO CHARLES THOMSON 191
the ratification, and that Mr. Jay and myself (Messrs. Adams
and Laurens being absent) have written to Mr. Hartley at
London, that we are ready to exchange with him. I have
not heard that the delay is likely to occasion any difficulty.
I had before communicated to him your letter of the 5th of
January, which gave the reason of it. With great esteem,
I am B. FRANKLIN.
1494. TO MADAME BRILLON (A. p. s.)
Passy March 31, '84.
Voici, ma tre*s cher Amie, une de mes Plaisanteries serieuses,
ou sourdes, que je vous envois, esperant qu'elle pourra
peutetre vous amuser un peu. Au quel cas, vous me recom-
penserez en me donnant je n'ose dire un Baiser, car les votres
sont trop precieux, et vous en e*tes trop chiche; mais vous
me j'ouerez un Noel et Pexcellent Marche des Insurgents.
B. F.
1495. TO CHARLES THOMSON '
Passy, April 16th, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind Letters by Colonel Harmar, and
Lieut-Colonel Frank, with the Dispatches, in good order;
triplicates of which are since come to hand. You will see
by our letter to the President, that we daily expect Mr.
Hartley from London, with the British Ratification to ex-
change with us. There was no difficulty occasioned by the
kpse of the term.
1 From the original in the New York Historical Society. — ED.
I92 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
I send you herewith four packets of newspapers, by which
you will be informed of the confusions that have reigned all
winter in England, and the probability of their being finish'd
by the choice of a new Parliament, in which the present Min-
istry will have a great majority. The n. papers are directed
for the Presid*. You are good in excusing the trouble I
have given you with so many little affairs and enquiries, and
enabling me to give some answer to the persons who make
them. I am pestered continually with such matters.
I am happy in learning from you, that disposition begins
to prevail in the States, to comply with the requisitions of
Congress, and Funds for the regular payment of the Interest,
and discharge of the Principal of the Debts contracted by
the War. Punctuality and exact justice will contribute more
to our reputation, and, of course, to our strength, than people
generally imagine. Without those virtues, we shall find it
difficult in case 6f another war to obtain either friends or
money; and a reliance on that may encourage and hasten
another attack upon us. Gratitude to our former bene-
factors is another point we should seize every opportunity
of demonstrating. I place, with you, much confidence in the
good sense of our countrymen; and thence I hope, that the
endeavours of some persons on both sides the water, to sow
jealousies and suspicions, and create misunderstandings
between France and us, will be ineffectual.
A Commission from Congress for a Commercial Treaty
with Britain has long been expected. If the intention of
sending such a Commission is not changed, I wish it may
arrive before Mr. Laurens leaves us, who has a more perfect
knowledge of the subject than any of us, and might be greatly
useful. A Minister from Denmark has been waiting in Paris
1784] TO JOHN WALTER 193
all winter for the result of Congress on the proposed
Treaty, a plan of which was long sent, as also one for a
Treaty with Portugal. I hope by the return of the Wash-
ington pacquet, we may receive some directions respecting
them. I am, with sincere and great esteem, my Dear
Friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.
1496. TO JOHN WALTER1 (L. c.)
Passy, April 17, 1784.
SIR,
I have received a Book, for which I understand I am obliged
to you, the "Introduction to Logography." I have read it
1 John Walter (1739-1812), founder of The Times, succeeded to his
father's business as a coal merchant in the city of London. He abandoned
it for that of an underwriter, failed in consequence of the American war, and
announced his bankruptcy in 1782. Two years later he purchased the
premises in Printing House Square, the site of the Black friars Theatre, which
had been unoccupied since the removal of Eyre and Strahan in 1770, where he
began business as a printer, using Johnson's invention of " logotypes " or
founts composed of complete words, instead of separate letters. Some forty
books were printed by the logographic process and sold by John Walter. He
also started a newspaper called The Daily Universal Register, of which the
first number, " printed logographically," was issued January I, 1 785. The nine-
hundred-and-fortieth number (January I, 1788) was entitled The Times, or
Daily Universal Register, and was also " printed logographically." A letter
from John Walter to Lord Kenyon, July 6, 1799 (Hist. Mss. Comm. I4th
Report App. Pt. IV, p. 551), contains the following interesting personal narra-
tive. " Among many other projects which offered themselves to my view was
a plan to print logographically. I sat down closely to digest it, and formed a
fount which reduced the English language from ninety thousand words which
were usually used in printing to about fifteen hundred. ... By this means I
was enabled to print much faster than by taking up single letters. ... I was
advised to get a number of nobility and men of letters ... to patronise the
plan, to which his Majesty was to have been the patron. But happening
unfortunately as it turned out, to correspond with Dr. Franklin, then ambassa-
VOL. IX — o
I94 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
with Attention, and, as far as I understand it, am much pleas'd
with it. I do not perfectly comprehend the Arrangement of
his Cases ; but the Reduction of the Number of Pieces by the
Roots of Words, and their different Terminations, is extreamly
ingenious ; and I like much the Idea of cementing the Letters,
instead of casting Words or Syllables, which I formerly
attempted, and succeeded in having invented a Mould, and
Method by which I could in a few minutes, form a Matrice,
and adjust it, of any Word in any Fount at pleasure, and pro-
ceed to cast from it.
I send enclosed a specimen of some of my Terminations,
and would willingly instruct Mr. Johnson * in the Method if
he desired it; but he has a better. He mentions some Im-
provements of Printing that have been proposed, but takes
no Notice of one published here at Paris, in 1776 ; so I suppose
he has neither seen nor heard of it. It is in a Quarto Pam-
phlet, entitled, "Nouveau Systeme Typographique, ou Moyen
de diminuer, de Moitie, dans toutes les Imprimeries de V Eu-
rope, le Travail et les Frais de Composition, de Correction, et
de Distribution, decouvert en 1774, par Madame de * * *.2
Frustra fit per plura quod potest fieri per pauciora. A Parisy
de nmprimerie Royale, MDCCLXXVL" It is dedicated
dor at Paris, whose opinion I wished for, his name was among my list of sub-
scribers, and when it was given, among near two hundred more, to the King's
librarian and a fount of the cemented words had been sent there [Buckingham
Palace] for his Majesty's inspection and acceptance, I found an increasing
coolness in the librarian, and afterwards a note from him, saying the King had
viewed it with pleasure, but, there being no room in Buckingham House, he
desired I would send some person to take it away. Thus ended royal patron-
age." See J. R. Thursfield in " Diet. Nat. Biog." — ED.
1 Henry Johnson, the inventor, from whom John Walter purchased the
patent rights. — ED.
2 Madame de St. Paul. — ED.
1784] TO JOHN WALTER 195
to the King, who was at the Expence of the Experiments.
Two Commissaries were named to examine and render an
Account of them ; they were M. Desmarets, of the Academy
of Sciences, and M. Barbou,4 an eminent Printer. Their
Report concludes thus; "Nous nous contenterons de dire ici,
que M. de St. Paul a rempli les engagemens qu'il avoit con-
tracted avec le Gouvernement ; que ses experiences projete*es
ont e*te* conduites avec beaucoup de me*thode et d' intelligence
de sa part ; et que par des calculs longs et pe*nibles, qui sont le
fruit d'un grand nombre de combinaisons raisonne'es, il en a
de*duit plusieurs re*sultats qui me'ritent d'etre proposes aux
artistes, et qui nous paroissent propres a e*clairer la pratique
de Pimprimerie actuelle, et a en abre*ger certainement les
proce'de'es. . . . Son projet ne peut que gagner aux con-
tradictions qu'il essuiera sans doute, de la part des gens de
Part. A Paris, le 8 Janvier, 1776." The pamphlet consists
of 66 Pages, containing a Number of Tables of Words and
Parts of Words, Explanations of those Tables, Calculations,
answers to Objections, &c. I will endeavour to get one to
send you if you desire it ; mine is bound up with others in a
Volume.
It was after seeing this Piece, that I cast the Syllables I
send you a Sample of. I have not heard, that any of the
Printers here make at present the least use of the Invention
of Madame de * * *. You will observe, that it pretended
only to lessen the Work by one half ; Mr. Johnson's Method
lessens it three fourths. I should be glad to know with what
the Letters are cemented. I think cementing better than
1 Nicolas Desmarest (1725-1805), a student of French industries; and
Joseph-Gerard Barbou (1715-1813), one of a notable family of printers, and
the second of the name to pursue the business in Paris. — ED.
196 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
casting them together, because if one Letter happens to
be battered, it may be taken away and another cemented
in its Place. I received no Letter with the Pamphlet.
I am, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
1497. TO DAVID HARTLEY1 (P.O.)
Passy April 17 1784
DEAR SIR,
The Commissioners have received the Letter you did them
the honour of writing to them the 9th Instant, and are glad
to learn that they may expect the Pleasure of seeing you soon
again at Paris. It is a particular Satisfaction to me, as it
will give me an opportunity of communicating an Idea to
you in Conversation which may tend to promote your excel-
lent views of " effecting a cordial & conciliatory Intercourse
between our Countries" but which I cannot so well explain
at present by writing.
The Bearer, Col. Harmar,2 is an American of good Char-
acter, who visits England in Curiosity to see the Country
and People he has been fighting against. I wish to give him
a good Opinion of them by the Sample he may be acquainted
with, and therefore beg leave to recommend him to your
Acquaintance & Civilities.
With great and inalterable Esteem & Affection
I am ever my dear Friend
Yours most sincerely
B. FRANKLIN
1 From a copy in the collection of Mrs. L. Z. Leiter. — ED.
2 Josiah Harmar (1753-1813) entered the Continental army in the 1st
Pennsylvanian regiment and served throughout the war. He took the ratifi-
cation of the definitive treaty to France in 1784. — ED.
1784] TO BENJAMIN WEBB 197
1498. TO BENJAMIN WEBB > (L. c.)
Passy, April 22*, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I received yours of the i5th Instant, and the Memorial it
inclosed.2 The account they give of your situation grieves
me. I send you herewith a Bill for Ten Louis d'ors. I do
not pretend to give such a Sum ; I only lend it to you. When
you shall return to your Country with a good Character, you
cannot fail of getting into some Business, that will in time
enable you to pay all your Debts. In that Case, when you
meet with another honest Man in similar Distress, you must
pay me by lending this Sum to him; enjoining him to dis-
charge the Debt by a like operation, when he shall be able,
and shall meet with such another opportunity. I hope it
may thus go thro' many hands, before it meets with a Knave
that will stop its Progress. This is a trick of mine for doing
a deal of good with a little money. I am not rich enough to
afford much in good works, and so am obliged to be cunning
and make the most of a little. With best wishes for the success
of your Memorial, and your future prosperity, I am, dear
Sir, your most obedient servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 The Duke of Sussex wrote in the margin of his copy of Franklin's works
(now in B. M.), " the idea of this loan is most beautiful and bespeaks a good-
ness of heart for which one must love the man." — ED.
2 This letter written at Geneva is in A. P. S. The writer had been declared
a bankrupt in England, fell under suspicion of having secreted property, and
fled to the continent. He now wished to return to England and reembark
in business. — ED.
198 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1499. TO HENRY LAURENS (L. c.)
Passy, April 29, 1784
DEAR SIR: — I received your Favour by Mr. Bourdieu
and yesterday another of the i8th, per Mr. Hartley, who also
gave me the Gazette with the Proclamation. I am with you
very little uneasy about that, or any other Measures the Min-
isters may think proper to take with respect to the Commerce
with us. We shall do very well. They have long lost Sight
of their true Interest, and are now wandring blindfold in
search of it, without being able to find it; but they may
jeel what they cannot at present see; and all as you say will
come right at last.
Mr. Hartley seems to have some Expectation of receiving
Instructions to negociate a Commercial Treaty. He thinks
he could hardly be sent here merely to exchange the Rati-
fications. I have not much dependance on this. Yet as
we are authoriz'd to receive Overtures from any European
Power, and to plan Treaties to be sent to Congress for Appro-
bation, and I am not yet dismiss'd, I shall much regret your
Absence if such a Treaty should be brought upon the Tapis :
for Mr. Jay will probably be gone, and I shall be left alone,
or with Mr. A., and I can have no favourable Opinion of what
may be the Offspring of a Coalition between my ignorance
and his Positiveness. It would help much if we could have
from you a Sketch of the Outlines, and leading Features of
the Treaty, in case your propos'd Embarkation for America
should take Place before Mr. Hartley makes his Overtures.
There being but nine States present at the Ratification, was
owing only to the extreme Inclemency of the Season, which
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 199
obstructed Travelling. There was in Congress one Mem-
ber from each of three more States ; and all were unanimous
tho' the Votes of those three could not be reckon'd. It is
therefore without Foundation that those Gentlemen flatter
themselves from that Circumstance with a Defection of four
States from the Union, and hence a Probability of a Return
of the whole to the Dominion of Britain. What Folly !
My grandson joins in respectful Compliments and best
Wishes with, Dear Sir, your most obedient humble Servant.
B. FRANKLIN.
1500. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN1
Passy, April 29, 1784.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind letters of the i6th and 2oth instant.
I thank you for your philosophical news. We have none here.
I see your philosophers are in the way of finding out at last
what fire is. I have long been of opinion, that it exists every-
where in the state of a subtile fluid ; that too much of that
fluid in our flesh gives us the sensation we call heat ; too little,
cold ; its vibrations, light. That all solid or fluid substances,
which are inflammable, have been composed of it; their
dissolution in returning to their original fluid state, we call
fire. This subtile fluid is attracted by plants and animals
in their growth, and consolidated; is attracted by other
substances, thermometers, &c. variously; has a particular
affinity with water, and will quit many other bodies to attach
itself to water, and go off with it in evaporation. Adieu.
Yours, most sincerely,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Printed from Sparks, Vol. VI, p. 454. — ED.
200 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1501. A LETTER FROM CHINA1
Lisbon, May 5, 1784.
SIR,
AGREEABLE to your desire, I have examined the sailor more
particularly, and shall now give you the circumstances of his
story, with all the observations he made in the country, con-
cerning which you are so curious. He appears a more intel-
ligent fellow than seamen in general. He says that he be-
longed to the Resolution, an English ship, one of those that
made the last voyage with Captain Cook. That on their
return, being at Macao, he and a comrade of his were over-
persuaded by a Portuguese captain, who spoke English and
Chinese, to desert, in order to go with him in a brigantine to
the northwestern coast of America, to purchase sea-beaver
skins from the savages, by which they hoped to make fortunes.
That accordingly they took a boat belonging to the ship, got
ashore in the night, turned the boat adrift, and were hid by
the Portuguese captain till the Resolution was gone. That
this was in January, 1780, and that in April following they
sailed from Macao, intending to go first to a place he calls
Nooky-Bay, in latitude 50. That they had twenty-five men,
with eight guns and small arms for their defence, and a quan-
tity of iron ware, cutlery, with European and Chinese toys,
for trade.
That about the beginning of May, in a dark night, the
captain being sick in his cabin, they were surprised and sud-
denly boarded by two boats full of armed men, to the number
of forty, who took possession of the brig, no resistance being
iFrom The Repository, May, 1788. — ED.
1784] A LETTER FROM CHINA 201
made. That these strangers altered her course, and stood,
as he saw by the compass, to the northwest ; that the next day
the captain understood by a Chinese among them, that they
were Curry * Ladrones, or pirates ; that they had been cruis-
ing on the coast of China, and had lost their vessel on a reef
the night before; and it was explained to the captain, that
if he and his people would work the ship, and fight upon occa-
sion, they should be well used, and have a share of plunder,
or otherwise be thrown overboard. That all consented, and
three days after they saw land, and coasted it northward;
that they took two Chinese junks, who were sent away steer-
ing northeast, eight men being put into each, and some of
the Chinese taken out. That the brig went on to the north-
ward for four days after, without taking any thing ; but run-
ning too near the coast in chase of another Chinese, they stuck
fast on a shoal in a falling tide; that they hoped to get off
by the night flood, but were mistaken, and the next morning
were surrounded by a great many armed boats and vessels,
which the chased vessel, which got in, had probably occa-
sioned to come out against them. That at first they beat off
those vessels, but, reinforcements coming, they saw it im-
possible to escape, and submitted, and were all brought on
shore and committed to prison.
That a few days after they were taken out and examined,
and, the Portuguese captain making it appear that he and his
people were prisoners to the Ladrones, they were recommitted,
and the Ladrones all beheaded. That the brig, being got off,
was, after some time, as he understood, by an order from
court, restored to the Portuguese captain, who went away in
her with all his people, except this relator and a Portuguese
1 Perhaps Corf a. — S.
202 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
lad, who, being both ill of the flux, and likely to die, were left
behind in prison. What became of the brig afterwards, he
never heard. That they were well attended in their sickness,
and soon recovered, but were not set at liberty. That the
prison was a very clean, airy place, consisting of several courts
and ranges of building, the whole securely walled and guarded,
and governed with great order. That every body was obliged
to work; but his work was not hard, it was weaving rushes
upon hoops for the bottom of chairs, and they had some
small pay for them, which, added to the prison allowance of
rice and chong, was more than a sufficiency; and he thinks
there are no such comfortable prisons in England, at least
among those he had been acquainted with. That he applied
himself to learn the Chinese language, and succeeded so far
at last as to understand and make himself understood in
common matters. That some of the most orderly prisoners
were allowed to assist the neighbouring country people in
time of harvest, under the care of overseers. That he and his
companion were from time to time made to expect that orders
would come from court for their release; but he supposes
they were quite forgotten. They had written frequently to
the Popish missionaries at Pekin, requesting their solicita-
tions, but received no answer; and perhaps the prison-
keeper, who had a profit on their labour, never sent their
letters.
That after more than a year's confinement, being in the
country at a harvest, he accidentally cut his foot very badly,
and was left behind at a farmer's house to be cured; the
farmer undertaking to return him to prison when recovered.
That he got into favour in the family; that he taught the
farmer's wife to make soap, which he understood, it being
1784] A LETTER FROM CHINA 203
his father's trade. That he had himself been apprentice 'to a
shoemaker before he took to the sea ; and, finding some leather
in the house, he made himself, with such tools as he could get
or make, a large shoe for his lame foot. That the farmer ad-
mired the shoe much above the Chinese shoes, and requested
a pair for himself. That he accordingly made shoes for the
farmer, his wife, two sons, and a daughter. That he was
obliged first to make the lasts for all of them ; and that it is
not true that the feet of Chinese women are less than those
of English women. That, these shoes being admired, many
inhabitants of the neighbouring village desired to have of
them ; so he was kept constantly at work, the farmer finding
the leather, selling the shoes, and allowing him some share
of the profit, by which he got about an ounce of silver per week,
all money being weighed there. That the Chinese tan their
leather with oaken chips, saw-dust, and shavings, which are
saved by the carpenters for the farmers, who boil them, and
steep their hides in the warm liquor, so that it is sooner fit
for use. That the farmer's wife began to get money by selling
soap, and they proposed to obtain his liberty, and keep him
in the family, by giving him their daughter, when a little
older, for a wife, with a piece of land ; and he believes they
did prevail with the jailor, by presents, to connive at his stay,
on pretence of his lameness.
He liked their way of living, except their sometimes eat-
ing dog's flesh. Their pork was excellent ; the rice, dressed
various ways, all very good, and the chong he grew fond of,
and learnt to make it. They put kidney beans in soak for
twenty-four hours, then grind them in a hand-mill, pouring
in water from time to time to wash the meal from between the
stones, which falls into a tub covered with a coarse cloth that
204 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
lets the meal and water pass through, retaining only the skins
of the beans ; that a very small quantity of alum, or some
sort of salt, put into it, makes the meal settle to the bottom,
when they pour off the water. That it is eaten various ways,
by all sorts of people, with milk, with meat, as thickening
in broth, &c. That they used also to put a little alum in their
river water when foul, to clear it for use, and by that means
made it as clear as rock water, the dirt all settling. Their
house was near a great river, but he does not remember its
name. That he lived in this family about a year, but did not
get the daughter, her grandfather refusing his consent to her
marriage with a stranger.
That they have a sort of religion, with priests and churches,
but do not keep Sunday, nor go to church, being very heathen-
ish. That in every house there is a little idol, to which they
give thanks, make presents, and show respect in harvest time,
but very little at other times ; and, inquiring of his master why
they did not go to church to pray, as we do in Europe, he was
answered, they paid the priests to pray for them, that they
might stay at home and mind their business; and that it
would be a folly to pay others for praying, and then go and
do the praying themselves ; and that the more work they did
while the priests prayed, the better able they were to pay them
well for praying.
That they have horses, but not many; the breed small,
but strong ; kept chiefly for war, and not used in labour, nor
to draw carriages. That oxen are used ; but the chief of their
labour is done by men, not only in the fields, but on the roads,
travellers being carried from town to town in bamboo chairs,
by hired chairmen, throughout the country ; and goods also,
either hanging on poles between two, and sometimes four men,
1784] A LETTER FROM CHINA 205
or in wheel-barrows ; they having no coaches, carts, or wag-
gons, and the roads being paved with flat stones.
They say that their great father (so they call the emperor)
forbids the keeping of horses, because he had rather have his
country filled with his children than with brutes; and one
horse requires as much ground to produce him food, as would
feed six men ; yet some great people obtain leave to keep one
horse for pleasure. That the master, having a farm left to
him by a deceased relation, in a distant part of the country,
sold the land he lived on, and went with the whole family to
take possession, and live on the other. That they embarked
in one of the boats that carry sea fish into the heart of the em-
pire, which are kept fresh even in hot weather, by being packed
in great hampers with layers of ice and straw, and repacked
every two or three days with fresh ice, taken at ice-houses
on the way. That they had been ten days on their voyage,
when they arrived at the new farm, going up always against
the stream. That the owner of the boat, finding him handy
and strong in rowing and working her, and one of the hands
falling sick, persuaded him to go fifteen days farther, promis-
ing him great pay, and to bring him back to the family. But
that, having unloaded the fish, the Chinese went off with his
boat in the night, leaving him behind, without paying him.
That there is a great deal of cheating in China, and no remedy.
That stealing, robbing, and house-breaking are punished
severely ; but cheating is free there in every thing, as cheating
in horses is among our gentlemen in England.
That, meeting at that place with a boat bound towards
Canton in a canal, he thought it might be a means of escap-
ing out of that country, if he went in her ; so he shipped him-
self to work for his passage, though it was with regret he
206 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
left for ever the kind family he had so long lived with. That
after twenty-five days' voyage on the canal, the boat stopping
at a little town, he went ashore, and walked about to look at
it, and buy some tobacco ; and in returning he was stopped,
taken up, examined, and sent away, under a guard, across
the country to a mandarin, distant two days' journey.
That here he found the lingo somewhat different, and could
not so well make himself understood; that he was kept a
month in prison before the mandarin had leisure to examine
him. That, having given a true account of himself, as well
as he could, the mandarin set him at liberty, but advised him
to wait the departure of some persons for Canton, with whom
he proposed to send him as a shipwrecked stranger, at the
emperor's expense. That in the mean time he worked in the
mandarin's garden, and conversed with the common people.
He does not recollect the name of the province, but says it
was one of the tea countries ; and that, besides the true tea,
they made a vast deal of counterfeit tea, which they packed
up in boxes, some mixed with good tea, but mostly unmixed,
and sent it away to different sea-ports for the supply of for-
eign countries. That he observed they made ordinary tea
of the leaves of sweet potatoes, which they cut into form by
stamps, and had the art of giving such colour and taste as they
judged proper. When he spoke of this practice as a fraud,
they said there was no harm in it, for strangers liked the false
tea as well, or better, than the true ; and that it was impossible
to load with true tea all the ships that came for it ; China
could not furnish such a quantity ; and, if the demand went
on increasing as it had done some years past, all the leaves
of all the trees in the country would not be sufficient to answer
it. This tea was sold cheap, as he understood twenty catty
1784] A LETTER FROM CHINA 207
of it (a catty is near our pound) for about an ounce of silver.
They did not drink it themselves, but said it was not unwhole-
some, if drunk moderately.
That after some time he set out in the train of seven mer-
chants for Canton, with a passport from the mandarin, going
partly by land, but chiefly by water in canals. That they
stopt a week in a part of the country where a great deal of
China ware is made; that many farmers had little furnaces
in some out-house, where they worked at leisure times, and
made, some nothing but tea-cups, others nothing but saucers,
&c., which they sold to country shopkeepers, who collected
quantities for the merchants. The ware is there very cheap.
He could have bought a dozen pretty cups and saucers for
as much silver as is in an English half-crown.
He says it is not true, that they have large wheel carriages
in China, driven by the wind ; at least he never saw or heard
of any such; but that the wheelbarrow porters indeed, when
passing some great open countries, do sometimes, if the wind
is fair, spread a thin cotton sail, supported by a light bam-
boo mast, which they stick up on their wheelbarrows, and it
helps them along. That he once saw a fleet of near three
hundred sail of those wheelbarrows, each with a double wheel.
That, when he arrived at Canton, he did not make himself
known to the English there, but got down as soon as he could
to Macao, hoping to meet with his Portuguese captain; but
he had never returned. That he worked there in rigging of
vessels, till he had an opportunity of coming home to Europe ;
and, hearing on his arrival here, from an old comrade in the
packet, that his sweetheart is married, and that the Resolution
and Endeavour got home, he shall decline going to England
yet a while, fearing he may be punished for carrying off the
208 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
boat ; therefore he has shipped himself, as I wrote you before,
on a voyage to America. He was between three and four years
in China. This is the substance of what I got from him,
and nearly as he related it. He gave me the names of some
places, but I found them hard to remember, and cannot recol-
lect them.
1502. TO SAMUEL MATHER1 (L. c.)
Passy, May 12, 1784.
REVd SIR,
I received your kind letter, with your excellent advice to
the people of the United States, which I read with great pleas-
ure, and hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though
they may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they
make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred, the
effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one little
instance, which, though it relates to myself, will not be quite
uninteresting to you. When I was a boy, I met with a book,
entitled "Essays to do Good" which I think was written by
your father.2 It had been so little regarded by a former
possessor, that several leaves of it were torn out ; but the re-
mainder gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an influ-
ence on my conduct through life; for I have always set a
greater value on the character of a doer of good, than on any
other kind of reputation ; and if I have been, as you seem to
think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to
that book.
1 Samuel Mather was colleague pastor of the same church to which his
father and grandfather had ministered. He died June 27, 1785.— ED.
2 Cotton Mather. — ED.
1 784] TO SAMUEL MATHER log
You mention your being in your 78th year ; I am in my 79"" ;
we are grown old together. It is now more than 60 years since
I left Boston, but I remember well both your father and grand-
father, having heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them
in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the
beginning of 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to
Pennsylvania. He received me in his library, and on my
taking leave showed me a shorter way out of the house through
a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over head.
We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me be-
hind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily,
"Stoop, stoop!" I did not understand him, till I felt my head
hit against the beam. He was a man that never missed any
occasion of giving instruction, and upon this he said to me,
" You are young, and have the world be j ore you; STOOP as you
go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps." This
advice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been of use
to me; and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified,
and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their
heads too high.
I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my
bones there. I left it in 1723 ; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753,
and 1763. In 1773 I was in England ; in 1775 I had a sight
of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy.1
I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could not
obtain my dismission from this employment here; and
now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best
wishes however attend my dear country. Esto perpetua.
1 In October, 1775, he went to the camp at Cambridge, as one of a com-
mittee from Congress to consult with General Washington respecting the
affairs of the army then besieging Boston. — S.
VOL. ix — P
210 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
It is now blest with an excellent constitution; may it last
for ever!
This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the
United States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance
to our security, and should be carefully cultivated. Britain
has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us, and
has still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it. Acci-
dents may increase those hopes, and encourage dangerous
attempts. A breach between us and France would infallibly
bring the English again upon our backs ; and yet we have
some wild heads among our countrymen, who are endeavour-
ing to weaken that connexion ! Let us preserve our reputation
by performing our engagements ; our credit by fulfilling our
contracts; and friends by gratitude and kindness; for we
know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of
them. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to
be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.
1503. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN (L. c.)
Passy, May 12, 1784.
SIR,
In my last I acquainted your Excellency, that Mr. Hartley
was soon expected here to exchange Ratifications of the defini-
tive Treaty. He is now arriv'd, and proposes to make the
Exchange this Afternoon. I shall then be enabled to send a
Copy. Enclosed is the new British Proclamation respecting
our Trade with their Colonies. It is said to be only a tem-
porary Provision, till Parliament can assemble and make some
proper regulating Law, or till a commercial Treaty shall be
framed and agreed to. Mr. Hartley expects Instructions
1784] TO HENRY LAURENS 211
for planning with us such a Treaty. The Ministry are sup-
pos'd to have been too busy with the new Elections, when he
left London, to think of those Matters.
This Court has not compleated its intended new System
for the Trade of their Colonies, so that I cannot yet give a
certain Account of the Advantages, that will in fine be allow'd
us. At present it is said we are to have two Free Ports, To-
bago and the Mole, and that we may carry Lumber and all
sorts of Provisions to the rest, except Flour, which is reserv'd
in favour of Bordeaux, and that we shall be permitted to ex-
port Coffee, Rum, Mollasses, and some Sugar, for our own
Consumption.
We have had under Consideration a commercial Treaty
propos'd to us by the King of Prussia, and have sent it back
with our Remarks to Mr. Adams, who will, I suppose, trans-
mit it immediately to Congress. Those plann'd with Den-
mark and Portugal wait its Determination.
Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to the Congress,
and believe me to be, with sincere and great Esteem, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1504. TO HENRY LAURENS (L. c.)
Passy, May 13, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I am sorry for the numerous Disappointments you have
lately met with. The World, it's true, is full of Disappoint-
ments, but they are not equally divided, and you have had
more than your Share.
The Ratifications of the definitive Treaty are now ex-
chang'd; but Mr. Hartley waits for Instructions respecting
212 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
a Treaty of Commerce, which, from what you observe, may
probably never arrive. I shall, however, be glad to receive
what you are so good as to promise me, your Thoughts on the
Subject of such a Treaty.
You have been so kind as to offer me your friendly services
in America. You will oblige me greatly in forwarding my
Dismission from this employment, for I long much to be at
home; and if you should think my Grandson qualified to
serve the States as Secretary to my Successor, or Charge
d' Affaires, till a Successor arrives, I shall thank you for recom-
mending him. His Knowledge of this Court, and acquaint-
ance with the Language, and the Esteem the Minister has
for him, are Circumstances in his favor ; his long Experience
in the Business here is another, he having served an Appren-
ticeship to it for more than seven Years. His Intelligence,
Discretion, and Address, you can judge better of than myself,
who may be partial. His Fidelity and Exactitude in perform-
ing his Duty, I can answer for.
My best Wishes attend you, your very valuable Son, and
amiable Daughter. God bless you all, and give you a good
Voyage, and a happy Meeting with your Friends, with long
Life, Health, and Prosperity, is the sincere Prayer of your
affectionate humble Servant, -g pRANKLIN
1505. TO CHARLES THOMSON1
DEAR SIR, Pass^ Ma^ I3' I784'
Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself
when the ratifications of the Definitive Treaty were exchanged.
I send a copy of the English Ratification to the President.
1 From the original in the New York Historical Society. — ED.
1784] TO CHARLES THOMSON 213
Thus the great and hazardous enterprize we have been
engaged in is, God be praised, happily compleated ; an event
I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of Peace,
will improve, will restore and encrease our strength ; but our
future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Brit-
ain will be long watching for advantages, to recover what she
has lost. If we do not convince the world, that we are a
Nation to be depended on for fidelity in Treaties ; if we appear
negligent in paying our Debts, and ungrateful to those who
have served and befriended us; our reputation, and all the
strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh
attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better
prospects of success. Let us therefore beware of being lulled
into a dangerous security ; and of being both enervated and
impoverished by luxury ; of being weakened by internal con-
tentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant in
contracting private debts, while we are backward in dis-
charging honorably those of the public ; of neglect in military
exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and
munitions of war, to be ready on occasion ; for all these are
circumstances that give confidence to enemies, and diffidence
to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war are
much lighter than those that will, if not prevented, be abso-
lutely necessary to maintain it.
I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn the
purpose of Congress respecting my request of recall, and that
of some employment for my secretary, William Temple
Franklin. If I am kept here another winter, and as much
weakened by it as by the last, I may as well resolve to spend
the remainder of my days here; for I shall be hardly able
to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning. During my
214 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
long absence from America, my friends are continually
diminishing by death, and my inducements to return in pro-
portion. But I can make no preparations either for going
conveniently, or staying comfortably here, nor take any steps
towards making some other provision for my grandson, till I
know what I am to expect. Be so good, my dear friend, as to
send me a little private information. With great esteem, I
am ever yours, most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
1506. TO MR. AND MRS. JAY (L. c.)
Passy, May 13, 1784.
MY DEAR FRIENDS,
I find I shall not be able to see you again as I intended.
My best Wishes, however, go with you, that you may have
a prosperous Voyage and a happy sight of your Friends and
Families.
Mr. Jay was so kind as to offer his Friendly Services to me
in America. He will oblige me much by endeavouring to
forward my Discharge from this Employment. Repose is
now my only Ambition. If too, he should think with me,
that my Grandson is qualified to serve the States as Secretary
to a future Minister at this Court, or as Chargi d' Affaires,
and will be kind enough to recommend such an Appointment,
it will exceedingly oblige me. I have twice mentioned this
in my letter to Congress, but have not been favored with any
answer; which is hard, because the suspense prevents my
endeavouring to promote him in some other way. I would
not, however, be importunate; and therefore, if Mr. Jay
should use his Interest without Effect, I will trouble them no
1784] METEOROLOGICAL CONJECTURES 215
more on the subject. My Grandson's acquaintance with
the Language, with the Court and Customs here, and the
particular Regard M. de Vergennes has for him, are Cir-
cumstances in his favour.
God bless and protect you both. Embrace my little
Friend for me, and believe me ever yours, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1507. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (p. A. E. E. u.)
Passy, May 31. 1784.
SOME inconveniences are said to have arisen from a want
of certainty in the power of our consuls. The articles re-
specting that matter have been some time prepared and agreed
to between M. de Rayneval and me. If there is no change
of sentiment respecting them, I beg leave to request your
Excellency would direct such steps to be taken as may be
proper for compelling them. I am ready on the part of the
United States to sign them at any time. With great respect,
I am sir, etc., B. FRANKLIN.
1508. METEOROLOGICAL IMAGINATIONS AND
CONJECTURES1 (L. c.)
Passy, May, 1784.
THERE seems to be a Region high in the Air over all Coun-
tries, where it is always Winter, where Frost exists continu-
1 First printed in the " Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society
of Manchester," Vol. II, p. 357. It was communicated to the Society by Dr.
Percival, and read December 22, 1784. — ED.
216 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
ally, since in the midst of Summer, on the Surface of the Earth,
Ice falls often from above, in the Form of Hail.
Hailstones, of the great Weight we sometimes find them,
did not pfobably acquire their Magnitude before they began
to descend. The Air, being 800 times rarer than Water, is
unable to support it but in the Shape of Vapour, a State in
which its Particles are separated. As soon as they are con-
densed by the Cold of the upper Regions, so as to form a
Drop, that Drop begins to fall. If it freezes into a Grain of
Ice, that Ice descends. In descending, both the Drop of
Water and the Grain of Ice are augmented by Particles of the
Vapour they pass thro' in falling, and which they condense
by their Coldness, and attach to themselves.
It is possible that, in Summer, much of what is Rain when
it arrives at the Surface of the Earth, might have been Snow
when it began its Descent ; but, being thaw'd in passing thro*
the warm Air near the Surface, it is changed from Snow into
Rain.
How immensely cold must be the original Particle of Hail,
which forms the Centre of the future Hailstone, since it is
capable of communicating sufficient Cold, if I may so speak,
because perhaps it is not by communicating Cold to the Par-
ticles of Vapour that it freezes them but by depriving them of
their Heat, to freeze all the Mass of Vapour condensed round
it, and form a Lump of perhaps 6 or 8 ounces in weight 1
When, in Summer time, the Sun is high, and long every
Day above the Horizon, his Rays strike the Earth more di-
rectly, and with longer Continuance, than in Winter; hence
the Surface is more heated, and to a greater Depth, by the
Effect of those Rays.
When Rain falls on the heated Earth, and soaks down into
1784] METEOROLOGICAL CONJECTURES 217
it, it carries down with it a great part of the Heat, which by
that means descends still deeper.
The Mass of Earth, to the depth perhaps of 30 Feet, being
thus heated to a certain Degree, continues to retain its Heat
for some time. Thus the first Snows, that fall in the Begin-
ning of Winter, seldom lie long on the Surface, but are soon
melted, and soon absorbed. After which, the Winds, that
blow over the Country on which the Snows had fallen, are not
rend'red so cold as they would have been, by those Snows,
if they had remained. The Earth, too, thus uncovered by the
Snows, which would have reflected the Sun's Rays, now
absorbs them, receiving and retaining the Warmth they afford
and thus the Approach of the Severity of Winter is retarded ;
and the extreme degree of its Cold is not always at the time
we might expect it, viz. when the Sun is at its greatest Distance,
and the Days shortest, but some time after that Period, accord-
ing to the English Proverb, which says, " As the Day length-
ens, the Cold strengthens;" the Causes of refrigeration con-
tinuing to operate, while the Sun returns too slowly, and his
Force continues too weak, to counteract them.
During several of the Summer Months of the Year 1783,
when the Effect of the Sun's Rays to heat the Earth in these
northern Regions should have been greatest, there existed
a constant Fog over all Europe. This Fog was of a permanent
Nature ; it was dry, and the Rays of the Sun seem'd to have
little Effect towards dissipating it, as they easily do a moist
Fog, arising from Water. They were indeed rend'red so faint
in passing thro' it, that, when collected in the Focus of a
Burning- Glass, they would scarce kindle brown Paper. Of
course, their Summer Effect in heating the Earth was exceed-
ingly diminished.
218 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
Hence the Surface was early frozen.
Hence the first Snows remained on it unmelted, and re-
ceived continual Additions.
Hence the Air was more chilled and the Winds more se-
verely cold. Hence perhaps the Winter of 1783-4, was more
severe than any that had happened for many years.
The Cause of this Universal Fog is not yet ascertained.
Whether it was adventitious to this Earth, and merely a
Smoke proceeding from the Consumption by Fire of some of
those great burning Balls or Globes which we happen to
meet with in our rapid Course round the Sun, and which are
sometimes seen to kindle and be destroy'd in passing our
Atmosphere, and whose Smoke might be attracted and re-
tain'd by our Earth: or whether it was the vast Quantity
of Smoke, long continuing to issue during the Summer from
Hecla, in Iceland, and that other Volcano which arose out of
the Sea near that Island, which Smoke might be spread by
various Winds, over the northern Part of the World, is yet
uncertain.
It seems however worth the Enquiry, whether other hard
Winters, recorded in History, were preceded by similar per-
manent and widely extended Summer Fogs. Because, if
found to be so, Men might from such Fogs conjecture the
Probability of a succeeding hard Winter, and of the damages
to be expected by the breaking up of frozen Rivers at the Ap-
proach of Spring; and take such Measures as are possible
and practicable, to secure themselves and Effects from the
Mischiefs that attended the last.
1784] TO DAVID HARTLEY 219
1509. TO DAVID HARTLEY1 (P. c.)
Passy, June 2, 1784.
SIR,
I have considered the Observations you did me the honour
of communicating to me, concerning certain Inaccuracies
of Expression, and suppos'd Defects of Formality in the In-
strument of Ratification, some of which are said to be of
such a Nature as to affect " the Validity of the Instrument."
The first is, "that the United States are named before his
Majesty, contrary to the established Custom observed in every
Treaty in which a Crowned Head and a Republic are the con-
tracting Parties." With respect to this, it seems to me we
should distinguish between that Act in which both join, to
wit, the Treaty, and that which is the Act of each separately,
the Ratification. It is necessary that all the Modes of Ex-
pression in the joint Act should be agreed to by both Parties,
tho' in their separate Acts each Party is Master of, and alone
accountable for its own mode. And on inspecting the Treaty,
it will be found that his Majesty is always regularly named
before the United States. Thus "the established Custom
in Treaties between Crowned Heads and Republics," con-
tended for on your Part, is strictly observed : And the ratifica-
tion following the treaty contains these Words. "Now
know ye, that we, the United States in Congress assembled,
having seen and considered the Definitive Articles aforesaid,
have approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by these Presents
do approve, ratify, and confirm the said Articles, AND EVERY
1 From a secretary's copy in the collection of Mrs. L. Z. Leiter. The date
in this copy appears to have been altered from June 2 to June 8. — ED.
220 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
PART AND CLAUSE THEREOF," &c. Hereby all those Articles,
Parts, and Clauses, wherein the King is named before the
United States, are approved, ratified, and confirmed, and this
solemnly, under the Signature of the President of Congress,
with the public Seal affixed by their Order, and counter-
signed by their Secretary.
No Declaration on this Subject more determinate or more
authentic can possibly be made or given, which, when con-
sidered, may probably induce his Majesty's Ministers to waive
the Proposition of our signing a similar Declaration, or of
sending back the Ratification to be corrected in this Point,
neither appearing to be really necessary. I will, however,
if it be still desired, transmit to Congress the Observation,
and the Difficulty occasioned by it, and request their Orders
upon it. In the mean time I may venture to say, that I am
confident there was no intention of affronting his Majesty
by this Order of Nomination, but that it resulted merely from
that Sort of Complaisance, which every Nation seems to have
for itself, and of that Respect for its own Government, cus-
tomarily so expressed in its own Acts, of which the English
among the rest afford an Instance, when in the Title of the
King they always name Great Britain before France.
The second Objection is, " that the Term Definitive Articles
is used instead of Definitive Treaty" If the words Defini-
tive Treaty had been used in the Ratification instead of
Definitive Articles, it might have been more correct, tho' the
Difference seems not great, nor of much Importance, as in the
Treaty itself it is called "the present Definitive Treaty."
The other Objections are, "that the Conclusion likewise
appears deficient, as it is neither signed by the President, nor
is it dated, and consequently is wanting in some of the most
1784] TO CONDE DE CAMPOMANES 221
essential Points of Form necessary towards authenticating the
Validity of the Instrument." The Situation of Seals and Sig-
natures, in public Instruments differs in different Countries,
tho' all equally valid ; for, when all the Parts of an Instrument
are connected by a Ribband, whose Ends are secured under
the Impression of the Seal, the Signature and Seal, wherever
plac'd, are understood as relating to and authenticating the
whole. Our usage is to place them both together in the broad
Margin near the Beginning of the Piece ; and so they stand in
the present Ratification, the concluding Words of which de-
clare the Intention of such Signing and Sealing to be giving
authenticity to the whole Instrument, viz. "In Testimony
whereof, We have caused the Seal of the United States to be
hereunto affixed; Witness his Excellency Thomas Mifflin,
Esqr, President;" and the Date supposed to be omitted,
(perhaps from its not appearing in Figures) is nevertheless
to be found written in Words at length, viz. " this fourteenth
Day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-four," which made the Figures unneces-
sary. With great Esteem and Respect, I have the honour to
be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1510. TO CONDE DE CAMPOMANES (A. p. s.)
Passy, June 5, 1784.
SIR,
I have received much Instruction and Pleasure in reading
your excellent Writings. I wish it were in my Power to
make you a suitable Return of the same kind. I embrace the
Opportunity, my much esteemed Friend Mr. Carmichael
222 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
affords me, of sending you a late Collection of some of my
occasional Pieces, of which, if I should live to get home, I
hope to publish another Edition much larger, more correct,
and less unworthy of your Acceptance.
You are engaged in a great Work, reforming the ancient
Habitudes, removing the Prejudices, and promoting the In-
dustry of your Nation. You have in the Spanish People good
Stuff to work upon, and by a steady Perseverance you will
obtain perhaps a Success beyond your Expectation ; for it is
incredible the quantity of Good that may be done in a Coun-
try by a single Man, who will make a Business of it, and not
suffer himself to be diverted from that Purpose by different
Avocations, Studies, or Amusements.
There are two Opinions prevalent in Europe, which have
mischievous Effects in diminishing national Felicity ; the one,
That useful Labour is dishonourable ; the other, that Fami-
lies may be perpetuated with Estates. In America we have
neither of these Prejudices, which is a great Advantage to us.
You will see our Ideas respecting the first, in a little Piece I
send you, called Information to those who would remove to
America. The second is mathematically demonstrable to be
an Impossibility under the present Rules of Law and Religion.
Since tho' the Estate may remain entire, the Family is con-
tinually dividing. For a man's Son is but half of his Family,
his Grandson but a Fourth, his Great Grandson but an Eighth,
the next but a Sixteenth of his Family ; and, by the same Pro-
gression, in only nine Generations the present Proprietor's
Part hi the then Possessor of the Estate will be but a 51 2th,
supposing the Fidelity of all the succeeding Wives equally
certain with that of those now existing : Too small a Portion,
methinks, to be anxious about, so as to oppose a legal Liberty
1784] TO CONDE DE CAMPOMANES 223
of breaking Entails and dividing Estates, which would con-
tribute so much to the Prosperity of the Country. With
great and sincere Esteem and Respect, and best Wishes for
the Success of your patriotic Undertaking, I have the honour
to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN/
1To this letter Campomanes replied, July 26, 1784 (A. P. S.) : —
"I have received, by the hands of my friend Mr. Carmichael, your estimable
letter of the 5th of June, the collection of your miscellaneous writings, and the
piece entitled, Information to those who would remove to America, All these
writings exhibit proofs of their having proceeded from a statesman, endowed
with foresight, and vigilant for the best interests of his country, according to
the political combinations and systems of government under which they were
composed ; and they manifest, at the same time, an ardent desire for the gen-
eral happiness of mankind, founded on principles and calculations carried to
as high a degree of demonstration, as the vicissitude and inconsistency of
the various systems adopted for the government of men will admit. . . .
" The frankness, with which you dissuade people in Europe from emigrating
inconsiderately to America, is a proof of your general philanthropy, and of a
candor peculiar to a good man, true philosopher, and genuine patriot. You
extend this same benevolence to Spain, in your remarks respecting the honour
that is due to labour, and against the entailment of estates. The former is
now confirmed among us by a recent law, a copy of which I send herewith, de-
claring the honourable light in which every description of artisans should be
regarded. Labourers were always honoured and favoured by our laws. As
to what regards entailments, I refer you to what I wrote in the year 1765, at
the end of my treatise upon Mortmain, in which I think I have demonstrated,
that another regulation ought to precede this in the progress of legislation. I
add also, that there is some diversity of circumstances between a monarchical
and democratical constitution in this respect.
" I should have great pleasure in extending these reflections, if time would
permit, although your penetration and sagacity would render them unnecessary.
The honour conferred upon me by The American Philosophical Society, in
electing me a member on the i6th of January, lays me under the pleasing
obligation of expressing my gratitude through you, the worthy President of
the Society. Desirous of reciprocating in some manner this act of courtesy, I
proposed you as an honourary member of the Royal Academy of History, of
which I am President. The proposal was responded to by universal acclama-
tion ; the Academy feeling in the highest degree honoured by having on its
list the name of a man so eminent in the world of letters, and so distinguished
for the part he has acted in a Revolution, the most memorable in the history
of modern times." — ED.
224 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1511. TO CHARLES THOMSON1
Passy, June 14, 1784.
DEAR SIR
I received yours of April ipth,2 with the information you
obtained from our old neighbour, Reuben Haines, respecting
Marggrander,3 for which I thank you. I am much pestered
with applications to make such enquiries, and often obliged
to promise that I will transmit them ; but I would not wish you
to take more trouble, than to ask questions of the members
of Congress, or others that fall in your way, and communi-
cate to me their answers, if of any importance. I have also
a multitude of projects sent to me, with requests that I would
lay them before Congress. They are plans and schemes of
Government and Legislation, Education, Defence, Manu-
factures, Commerce, &c., form'd by people who have great
good will to us, but are totally ignorant of our affairs and
circumstances; whence their projects are for the most part
wild and impracticable, or unfit to be presented to Congress,
as not pertaining to their jurisdiction. I have therefore
not forwarded them; but will now and then send some of
them for your amusement, if you should ever have any leisure,
that you may see how people make shoes for feet they have
never measured.
As your letter mentions nothing of publick affairs, I
imagined I might have had, by the same conveyance, some
1 From the original in New York Historical Society. — ED.
2 In A. P. S. — ED.
8 Adam Marggrander was employed by Reuben Haines as a brewer and
cooper. He enlisted as a substitute in the militia and marched into Northum-
berland County. Nothing further was known of him. — ED.
1784] TO THOMAS MIFFLIN 225
dispatches from Congress, perhaps in the care of some pas-
senger ; but a fortnight has past since the arrival of the packet-
boat, and no Letters appear; so that I have nothing from
Congress later than the 14 of January, and continue in great
uncertainty as to my return.
Mr. Norris l came here, after residing some time at Liege.
He staid but a week or two at Paris, and then removed to
a country town not far distant, where nothing but French is
spoken, in order to improve himself in that language. He
seems a sensible, discreet young man, and I should with pleas-
ure render him any service that may be in my power.
The King of Sweden is now at this court, enjoying the
various splendid entertainments provided for him. The
Danish Minister is astonished, that the Congress are so long
without taking any notice of the proposed Treaty. With
great esteem, I am ever, my Dear Friend, yours most
affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1512. TO THOMAS MIFFLIN (L. c.)
Passy, June 16, 1784.
SIR,
My Letter by Mr. Jay acquainted your Excellency, that the
Ratifications of the Definitive Treaty were exchanged. A
Copy of the British part was also sent by him.
Mr. Hartley remained here expecting Instructions to treat
with us on the Subject of Commerce. The Bustle attending
a new Election and Meeting of Parliament, he imagined
might occasion the long Delay of those Instructions. He
1 Son of Isaac Norris, Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly. — ED.
VOL. IX — Q
226 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ^784
now thinks, that, the Affair of American Trade being under
the Consideration of Parliament, it is probable no Treaty
will be propos'd till the Result is known. Mr. Jay, who
saiFd for America the ist Inst. from Dover, and who saw there
several of our Friends from London before his Departure,
and Mr. Laurens who left London the 6th to go in the Fal-
mouth Packet, will be able to give you more perfect Informa-
tions than I can, of what may be expected as the Deter-
mination of the British government respecting our Intercourse
with their Islands; and, therefore, I omit my Conjectures,
only mentioning, that from various Circumstances there seems
to be some lurking Remains of ill Humour there, and of Re-
sentment against us, which only wants a favourable Oppor-
tunity to manifest itself.
This makes it more necessary for us to be upon our guard
and prepared for Events, that a Change in the Affairs of
Europe may produce; its Tranquility depending, perhaps,
on the Life of one Man, and it being impossible to foresee in
what Situation a new Arrangement of its various Interests
may place us. Ours will be respected in proportion to the
apparent Solidity of our Government, the Support of our
Credit, the Maintenance of a good Understanding with our
Friends, and our Readiness for Defence. All which I per-
suade myself will be taken care of.
Inclose I send a Copy of a Letter from Mr. Hartley to me,
respecting some suppos'd Defects in the Ratification, together
with my Answer, which he has transmitted to London. The
Objections appeared to me trivial and absurd ; but I thought
it prudent to treat them with as much Decency as I could,
lest the ill Temper should be augmented, which might be
particularly inconvenient, while the Commerce was under
1784] THOUGHTS ON A UNIVERSAL FLUID 2*27
Consideration. There has not yet been time for Mr. Hartley
to hear whether my Answer has been satisfactory, or whether
the Ministers will still insist on my sending for an amended
Copy from America, as they proposed.
I do not perceive the least Diminution in the good Disposi-
tion of this Court towards us, and I hope care will be taken
to preserve it.
The Marquis de la Fayette, who will have the honour of
delivering this to you, has, ever since his Arrival in Europe,
been very industrious in his Endeavours to serve us, and pro-
mote our Interests, and has been of great Use on several
Occasions. I should wish the Congress might think fit to-
express in some proper Manner their Sense of his Merit.
My Malady prevents my going to Versailles, as I cannot
bear a Carriage upon Pavement; but my Grandson goes
regularly on Court days to supply my Place, and is well re-
ceiv'd there. The last Letters I have had the honour of receiv-
ing from you, are of the i4th of January. With great Respect,
I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1513. LOOSE THOUGHTS ON A UNIVERSAL
FLUID l (L. c.)
Passy, June 25, 1784.
UNIVERSAL SPACE, as far as we know of it, seems to be
filled with a subtil Fluid, whose Motion, or Vibration, is
called Light.
1 From an auto, draft in L. C. endorsed by Franklin, " For the Consideration
of my dear Friend, David Rittenhouse, Esq' " There is also in L. C. a contem-
porary copy in French. The paper was read before The American Philo-
sophical Society, June 20, 1788. — ED.
228 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
This Fluid may possibly be the same with that, which,
being attracted by, and entring into other more solid Mat-
ter, dilates the Substance, by separating the constituent Par-
ticles, and so rendering some Solids fluid, and maintaining
the Fluidity of others; of which Fluid when our Bodies are
totally deprived, they are said to be frozen ; when they have
a proper Quantity, they are in Health, and fit to perform all
their Functions; it is then called natural Heat; when too
much, it is called Fever; and, when forced into the Body in
too great a Quantity from without, it gives Pain by separating
and destroying the Flesh, and is then called Burning; and
the Fluid so entring and acting is called Fire.
While organized Bodies, animal or vegetable, are aug-
menting in Growth, or are supplying their continual Waste,
is not this done by attracting and consolidating this Fluid
called Fire, so as to form of it a Part of their Substance ; and
is it not a Separation of the Parts of such Substance, which,
dissolving its solid State, sets that subtil Fluid at Liberty,
when it again makes its appearance as Fire?
For the Power of Man relative to Matter seems limited
to the dividing it, or mixing the various kinds of it, or changing
its Form and Appearance by different Compositions of it;
but does not extend to the making or creating of new Matter,
or annihilating the old. Thus, if Fire be an original Element,
or kind of Matter, its Quantity is fixed and permanent in
the Universe. We cannot destroy any Part of it, or make
addition to it; we can only separate it from that which
confines it, and so set it at Liberty, as when we put Wood in a
Situation to be burnt ; or transfer it from one Solid to another,
as when we make Lime by burning Stone, a Part of the Fire
dislodg'd from the Wood being left in the Stone. May not
1784] THOUGHTS ON A UNIVERSAL FLUID 229
this Fluid, when at Liberty, be capable of penetrating and
entring into all Bodies organiz'd or not, quitting easily in
totality those not organiz'd ; and quitting easily in part those
which are ; the part assum'd and fix'd remaining till the Body
is dissolved?
Is it not this Fluid which keeps asunder the Particles of
Air, permitting them to approach, or separating them more,
in proportion as its Quantity is diminish'd or augmented?
Is it not the greater Gravity of the Particles of Air, which
forces the Particles of this Fluid to mount with the Matters
to which it is attached, as Smoke or Vapour?
Does it not seem to have a great Affinity with Water, since
it will quit a Solid to unite with that Fluid, and go off with it
in Vapour, leaving the Solid cold to the Touch, and the Degree
measurable by the Thermometer?
The Vapour rises attach'd to this Fluid, but at a certain
height they separate, and the Vapour descends in Rain,
retaining but little of it, in Snow or Hail less. What be-
comes of that Fluid? Does it rise above our Atmosphere,
and mix with the universal Mass of the same kind? Or
does a spherical Stratum of it, denser, or less mix'd with
Air, attracted by this Globe, and repelPd or push'd up only
to a certain height from its Surface, by the greater Weight
of Air, remain there, surrounding the Globe, and proceeding
with it round the Sun ?
In such case, as there may be a Continuity or Communi-
cation of this Fluid thro' the Air quite down to the Earth,
is it not by the Vibrations given to it by the Sun that Light
appears to us; and may it not be, that every one of the in-
finitely small Vibrations, striking common Matter with a
certain Force, enters its Substance, is held there by Attraction,
^30 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
and augmented by succeeding Vibrations, till the Matter has
receiv'd as much as their Force can drive into it?
Is it not thus, that the Surface of this Globe is continu-
ally heated by such repeated Vibrations in the Day, and cooled
by the Escape of the Heat, when those Vibrations are discon-
tinu'd in the Night, or intercepted and reflected by Clouds?
Is it not thus that Fire is amass'd, and makes the greatest
Part of the Substance of combustible Bodies?
Perhaps, when this Globe was first form'd, and its original
Particles took their Place at certain Distances from the
Centre, in proportion to their greater or less Gravity, the
fluid Fire, attracted towards that Centre, might in great
part be oblig'd, as lightest, to take place above the rest, and
thus form the Sphere of Fire above supposed, which would
afterwards be continually diminishing by the Substance it
afforded to organiz'd Bodies, and the Quantity restor'd to it
again by the Burning or other Separating of the Parts of those
Bodies.
Is not the natural Heat of Animals thus produc'd, by
separating in Digestion the Parts of Food, and setting their
Fire at Liberty?
Is it not this Sphere of Fire, which kindles the wandring
Globes that sometimes pass thro' it in our Course round the
Sun, have their Surface kindled by it, and burst when their
included Air is greatly ratified by the Heat on their burning
Surfaces? May it not have been from such Considerations
that the ancient Philosophers supposed a Sphere of Fire to
exist above the Air of our Atmosphere ?
1784] PAPER MONEY OF THE UNITED STATES 231
1514. OF THE PAPER MONEY OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA1 (L. c.)
MUCH Conversation having arisen lately on the Subject
of this Money, and few Persons being well acquainted with
the Nature of it, you may possibly oblige many of your
Readers by the following Account of it.
When Great Britain commenced the present War upon
the Colonies, they had neither Arms nor Ammunition, nor
Money to purchase them or to pay Soldiers. The new Gov-
ernment had not immediately the Consistence necessary for
collecting heavy Taxes ; nor would Taxes that could be raised
within the Year during Peace, have been sufficient for a Year's
Expence in Time of War ; they therefore printed a Quantity
of Paper Bills, each expressing to be of the Value of a certain
Number of Spanish Dollars, from One to Thirty ; with these
they paid, clothed, and fed their Troops, fitted out Ships, and
supported the War during Five Years against one of the most
powerful Nations of Europe.
The Paper thus issued, passed current in all the internal
Commerce of the United States at par with Silver during the
first Year; supplying the Place of the Gold and Silver for-
merly current, but which was sent out of the Country to pur-
chase Arms, &c., or to defray Expences of the Army in Can-
ada : But the great Number of Troops necessary to be kept
on foot to defend a Coast of near 500 Leagues in Length,
from an Enemy, who, being Masters at Sea, could land
1 The date of composition guessingly set down by Bigelow and by Fitz-
patrick (List of the B. F. Papers in the L. C.) is July 3, 1784. — ED.
232 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
Troops where they pleas'd, occasion'd such a Demand for
Money, and such frequent additional Emissions of new Bills,
that the Quantity became much greater than was wanted
for the Purposes of Commerce; and, the Commerce being
diminished by the War, the Surplus Quantity of Cash was
by that means also proportionally augmented.
It has been long and often observed, that when the current
Money of a Country is augmented beyond the Occasions for
Money, as a Medium of Commerce, its Value as Money dimin-
ishes. Its Interest is reduced, and the Principal sinks, if
some Means are not found to take off the Surplus Quantity.
Silver may be carried out of the Country that produces it,
into other Countries, and thereby prevent too great a Fall of
its Value in that Country. But, when by this Means it grows
more plentiful in all other Countries, nothing prevents its
sinking in Value. Thus within 300 Years since the Discovery
of America, and the vast Quantities of Gold and Silver im-
ported from thence, and spread over Europe and the rest of
the World, those Metals have sunk in value 4 fifths, that is,
five Ounces of Silver will not purchase more Labour now than
one Ounce would have done before that Discovery.
Had Spain been able to confine all that Treasure within
its own Territories, silver would probably have been there
of no more Value by this Time than Iron or Lead. The Ex-
portation has kept its Value on a Level with its Value in
other Parts of the World. Paper Money not being easily
receiv'd out of the Country that makes it, if the Quantity
becomes excessive, the Depreciation is quicker and greater.
Thus the excessive Quantities which Necessity oblig'd the
Americans to issue for continuing the War, occasion'd a
Depreciation of Value, which, commencing towards the End
1784] PAPER MONEY OF THE UNITED STATES 233
of 1776, has gone on augmenting, till at the beginning of the
present Year, 50, 60, and as far as 70 Dollars in Paper were
reckoned not more than equal to one Dollar in Silver, and the
Prices of all things rose in Proportion.
Before the Depreciation commenc'd, the Congress, fearing
it, stopt for a time the Emission of new Bills, and resolv'd to
supply their Occasions by borrowing. Those who lent
them the Paper Money at that time and until March, 1778,
fix'd their Property and prevented its Depreciation; the in-
terest being regularly paid by Bills of Exchange on France,
which supports the Value of the principal Sums lent.
These Loans not being sufficient, the Congress were forced
to print more Bills, and the Depreciation proceeded. The
Congress would borrow no more on the former Conditions
of paying the Interest in French Money at Paris ; but great
Sums were offered and lent them on the Terms of being paid
the Interest, and repaid the Principal hi the same Bills in
America.
These Loans in some degree lessen 'd, but did not quite take
away, the Necessity of new Emissions; so that it at length
arrived at the excessive difference between the Value of
Paper and Silver, that is above mentioned.
To put an End to this Evil, which destroy'd all certainty
in Commerce, the Congress first resolved to diminish the
Quantity gradually by Taxes, which, tho' nominally vastly
great, were really less heavy than they appear'd to be, and
were readily paid. By these Taxes 15 Millions of dollars,
of the 200 Millions extant, are to be brought hi monthly and
burnt. This Operation will destroy the whole Quantity, to
wit, 200,000,000, in about 14 Months. Thirty Millions have
already been so destroy'd.
234 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
To prevent in the mean time the farther Progress of the
Depreciation, and give some kind of determinate Value to
the Paper, it was ordain'd, that, for every sum of Forty
Dollars payable by any Person as Tax, he might discharge
himself by paying One Dollar in Silver. Whether this Ex-
pedient will produce the Effect intended or not, Experience
and Time must discover.
The general Effect of the Depreciation among the Inhab-
itants of the States has been this, that it has operated as a
gradual Tax upon them. Their Business has been done
and paid for by the Paper Money ; and every Man has paid
his Share of the Tax according to the Time he retain'd any
of the Money in his Hands, and to the Depreciation within
that Time. Thus it has proved a Tax on Money, a kind of
Property very difficult to be taxed in any other Mode; and
it has fallen more equally than many other Taxes, as those
People paid most, who, being richest, had most Money passing
thro' their Hands.
With regard to the Paper Money or Bills borrowed by the
Congress, it appears by the above Account to be under two
different Descriptions.
First, the Quantity of Bills borrowed before the Deprecia-
tion, the Interest of which in Silver was to be and is paid in
France. The Principal of this Sum is considered as equal
in Value to so many Dollars of Silver as were borrowed in
Paper, and will be paid in Silver accordingly.
Secondly, the Quantities of Bills borrowed in different
Stages of the Depreciation down to the present time. These
Sums are, by a Resolution of Congress, to be repaid in Silver
according to the Value they were of in Silver at the Time they
were lent ; and the Interest is to be paid at the same Rate.
1784] PAPER MONEY OF THE UNITED STATES 235
Thus those Lenders have their Property secured from the
Loss by Depreciation subsequent to the Time of their Loan.
All the Inhabitants are satisfied and pleas'd with this
Arrangement, their Public Debt being by this Means reduced
to a small Sum. And the new Paper Money, which bears
Interest, and for the Payment of which solid Funds are pro-
vided, is actually in Credit equal to real Silver.
If any Persons living in distant Countries have, thro* their
Absence from their Property in America, suffered Loss by
not having it timely fix'd in the several Loans above men-
tioned, it is not doubted but that, upon an Application to
Congress stating the Case, they will meet with Redress.
The real Money us'd in the United States is French, Span-
ish, Portuguese, and English coins, Gold and Silver. The
most common is Spanish milFd dollars, worth 5 livres 5 sols
tournois.
The nominal Money is generally Paper, reckoned in
Pounds, Shillings, and Pence, of different Value in the differ-
ent States when compar'd with real Money, and that Value
often changing, so that nothing certain can be said of it. But
everywhere the accounts are kept in the nominal Pounds,
Shillings, and Pence, the Pound containing twenty Shillings,
and the Shillings twelve Pence, whatever may be the real
Value.
Bills of Exchange are frequently drawn on Europe; the
Rate of Exchange differing in different States, and fluctu-
ating in the same State, occasioned by the greater or less
Plenty of Bills or of Demand for others ; they are commonly
drawn at 30 Days' Sight.
The Usages in Buying and Selling Merchandises, are much
the same as in Europe, except that in Virginia the Planter
236 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
carries his Tobacco to Magazines, where it is inspected by
Officers, who ascertain its Quality and give Receipts express-
ing the Quantity. The Merchants receive these Receipts
in Payment for Goods, and afterwards draw the Tobacco
out of the Magazines for Exportation. Weights and Meas-
ures are uniform in all the States, following the Standard of
Great Britain.
Money is lent either upon Bond or on Mortgage, payable
hi a Year with Interest. The Interest differs in the different
States from 5 to 7 per cent.
Goods are generally imported on 18 Months' Credit from
Europe, sold in the Country at 12 Months' credit.
Billets or Promissory Notes, payable to the Creditor or
Order, are in use, and demandable when due, as well as
accepted Bills of Exchange, without any Days of Grace, but
by particular Favour.
1515. TO THOMAS PERCIVAL (L. c.)
DEAR SIR, Passy, July 17^784.
I received yesterday, by Mr. White, your kind Letter of
May nth, with the most agreable Present of your new Book.1
I read it before I slept, which is a Proof of the good Effects
your happy Manner has of drawing your Reader on, by
mixing little Anecdotes and historical Facts with your In-
structions. Be pleased to accept my thankful Acknowledg-
ments for the Pleasure it has afforded me.
1 This letter is in A. P. S. " The present " was a copy of PercivaPs " Moral
and Literary Dissertations." Mr. White was a young gentleman of Manches-
ter, a member of the society mentioned below. — ED.
1784] TO THOMAS PERCIVAL 237
It is astonishing that the murderous Practice of Duelling,
which you so justly condemn, should continue so long in
vogue. Formerly, when Duels were used to determine
Lawsuits, from an Opinion that Providence would in every
Instance favour Truth and Right with Victory, they were
excusable. At present, they decide nothing. A Man says
something, which another tells him is a Lie. They fight;
but, whichever is killed, the Point in dispute remains unsettled.
To this purpose they have a pleasant little Story here. A
Gentleman hi a Coffee-house desired another to sit farther
from him. " Why so ?" " Because, Sir, you stink." " That
is an Affront, and you must fight me." "I will fight you, if
you insist upon it; but I do not see how that will mend the
Matter. For if you kill me, I shall stink too; and if I kill
you, [you] will stink, if possible, worse than you do at present."
How can such miserable Sinners as we are entertain so much
Pride, as to conceit that every Offence against our imagined
Honour merits Death ? These petty Princes in their own
Opinion would call that Sovereign a Tyrant, who should put
one of them to death for a little uncivil Language, tho' pointed
at his sacred Person; yet every one of them makes himself
Judge in his own Cause, condemns the offender without a
Jury, and undertakes himself to be the Executioner. With
sincere and great Esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Our Friend, Mr. Vaughan, may perhaps communi-
cate to you some Conjectures of mine relating to the Cold
of last winter, which I sent to him in return for the Obser-
vations on Cold of Professor Wilson.1 If he should, and you
1 Professor Patrick Wilson of Glasgow. — ED.
238 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
think them worthy so much notice, you may show them to
your Philosophical Society,1 to which I wish all imaginable
success. Their Rules appear to me excellent.
1516. TO MASON WEEMS AND EDWARD GANT2
(L. C.)
Passy, July 18, 1784.
GENTLEMEN,
On receipt of your Letter,3 acquainting me that the Arch-
bishop [of Canterbury] would not permit you to be ordain'd,
unless you took the Oath of Allegiance, I apply'd to a Clergy-
man of my Acquaintance for Information on the Subject of
your obtaining Ordination here. His Opinion was, that it
could not be done ; and that, if it were done, you would be
required to vow Obedience to the Archbishop of Paris. I
next inquired of the Pope's Nuncio, whether you might not
be ordain'd by their Bishop in America, Powers being sent him
for that purpose, if he has them not already. The answer
was, " The Thing is impossible, unless the Gentlemen become
Catholics."
This is an Affair of which I know very little, and there-
fore I may ask Questions and propose means that are im-
1 The Philosophical Society of Manchester, of which Dr. Percival was one
of the principal founders and ornaments. — W. T. F.
2 Mason Locke Weems (i76o?-i825) was born in Virginia. He is the
celebrated " Parson " Weems who resigned his clerical charge to become a
book agent for Mathew Carey. His fertile fancy and easy conscience created
the indestructible stories of the youth of Washington. He wrote also a " Life
of Benjamin Franklin" (1817). Edward Gant (1746-1837), a native of
Maryland, practised medicine before applying for holy orders. He became
chaplain of the United States Senate. — ED.
3 Dated July 9, 1784, No. 170 Strand. In A. P. S. — ED.
1784] TO MASON WEEMS AND EDWARD CANT 239
proper or impracticable. But what is the necessity of your
being connected with the Church of England? Would it
not be as well, if you were of the Church of Ireland? The
Religion is the same, tho' there is a different set of Bishops
and Archbishops. Perhaps if you were to apply to the Bishop
of Deny, who is a man of liberal Sentiments, he might give
you Orders as of that Church. If both Britain and Ireland
refuse you, (and I am not sure that the Bishops of Denmark
or Sweden would ordain you, unless you become Lutherans,)
what is to be done? Next to becoming Presbyterians, the
Episcopalian clergy of America, in my humble Opinion, can-
not do better than to follow the Example of the first Clergy
of Scotland, soon after the Conversion of that Country to
Christianity, who when their King had built the Cathedral
of St. Andrew's, and requested the King of Northumberland
to lend his Bishops to ordain one for them, that their Clergy
might not as heretofore be obliged to go to Northumberland
for Orders, and their Request was refused ; they assembled
in the Cathedral; and, the Mitre, Crosier, and Robes of a
Bishop being laid upon the Altar, they, after earnest Prayers
for Direction in their Choice, elected one of their own Num-
ber; when the King said to him, "Arise, go to the Altar, and
receive your Office at the Hand of God" His brethren led
him to the Altar, robed him, put the Crozier in his Hand, and
the Mitre on his Head, and he became the first Bishop of
Scotland.
If the British Isles were sunk in the Sea (and the Surface
of this Globe has suffered greater Changes), you would prob-
ably take some such Method as this ; and, if they persist in
denying you Ordination, 'tis the same thing. An hundred
years hence, when People are more enlightened, it will be
240 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
wondered at, that Men in America, qualified by their Learn-
ing and Piety to pray for and instruct their Neighbors, should
not be permitted to do it till they had made a Voyage of six
thousand Miles out and home, to ask leave of a cross old
Gentleman at Canterbury; who seems, by your Account,
to have as little Regard for the Souls of the People of Mary-
land, as King William's Attorney- General, Seymour, had for
those of Virginia. The Reverend Commissary Blair, who
projected the College of that Province, and was in England
to solicit Benefactions and a Charter, relates, that the Queen,
in the King's Absence, having ordered Seymour to draw up
the Charter, which was to be given, with £2000 in Money,
he oppos'd the Grant; saying that the Nation was engag'd
in an expensive War, that the Money was wanted for better
purposes, and he did not see the least Occasion for a College
in Virginia. Blair represented to him, that its Intention was
to educate and qualify young Men to be Ministers of the Gos-
pel, much wanted there; and begged Mr. Attorney would
consider, that the People of Virginia had souls to be saved,
as well as the People of England. "Souls I" says he, "damn
your Souls. Make Tobacco!" I have the honour to be,
Gentlemen, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1517. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN (i.e.)
Passy, July 26*, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I have received several Letters from you lately, dated
June 1 6, June 30, and July 13. I thank you for the Infor-
mation respecting the Proceedings of your West India Mer-
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 241
chants, or rather Planters. The Restraints what ever they
may be upon our Commerce with your Islands, will prejudice
their Inhabitants, I apprehend, more than us.
It is wonderful how preposterously the affairs of this world
are managed. Naturally one would imagine, that the inter-
est of a few individuals should give way to general interest ;
but individuals manage their affairs with so much more appli-
cation, industry, and address, than the public do theirs, that
general interest most commonly gives way to particular.
We assemble parliaments and councils, to have the benefit
of their collected wisdom; but we necessarily have, at the
same time, the inconvenience of their collected passions,
prejudices, and private interests. By the help of these, artful
men overpower their wisdom, and dupe its possessors ; and if
we may judge by the acts, arrets, and edicts, all the world
over, for regulating commerce, an assembly of great men is
the greatest fool upon earth.
I have received Cook's Voyages, which you put Mr. Os-
wald in the way of sending to me. By some Mistake the first
Volume was omitted, and instead of it a Duplicate sent of
the third. If there is a good Print of Cook, I should be glad
to have it, being personally acquainted with him. I thank
you for the Pamphlets by Mr. Estlin. Every thing you send
me gives me Pleasure; to receive your Account would give
me more than all.
I am told, that the little Pamphlet of Advice to such as would
remove to America, is reprinted in London, with my Name to
it, which I would rather had been omitted ; but wish to see
a Copy, when you have an Opportunity of sending it.
Mr. H. has long continued here in Expectation of Instruc-
tions for making a Treaty of Commerce, but they do not
VOL. IX — R
242 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
come, and I begin to suspect none are intended ; tho' perhaps
the Delay is only occasioned by the over great Burthen of
Business at present on the Shoulders of your Ministers. We
do not press the Matter, but are content to wait till they can
see their Interest respecting America more clearly, being cer-
tain that we can shift as well as you without a Treaty.
The Conjectures I sent you concerning the cold of last
Winter still appear to me probable. The moderate Season
in Russia and Canada, do not weaken them. I think our
Frost here began about the 24th of December; in America,
the 12 of January. I thank you for recommending to me Mr.
Arbuthnot ; I have had Pleasure in his Conversation. I wish
much to see the new Pieces you had in hand. I congratulate
you on the Return of your Wedding-day, and wish for your
Sake and Mrs. Vaughan's, that you may see a great many of
them, all as happy as the first.
I like the young stranger very much. He seems sensible,
ingenious, and modest, has a good deal of Instruction, and
makes judicious Observations. He will probably distin-
guish himself advantageously. I have not yet heard from
Mr. Nairne.
Dr. Price's Pamphlet of Advice to America is a good one,
and will do Good. You ask, "what Remedy I have for the
growing Luxury of my Country, which gives so much Offence
to all English travellers without exception." I answer, that
I think it exaggerated, and that Travellers are no good
Judges whether our Luxury is growing or diminishing. Our
People are hospitable, and have indeed too much Pride in
displaying upon their Tables before Strangers the Plenty and
Variety that our Country affords. They have the Vanity, too,
of sometimes borrowing one another's Plate to entertain more
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 243
splendidly. Strangers being invited from House to House,
and meeting every Day with a Feast, imagine what they see
is the ordinary Way of living of all the Families where they
dine ; when perhaps each Family lives a Week after upon the
Remains of the Dinner given. It is, I own, a Folly in our
People to give such Offence to English Travellers. The first
part of the Proverb is thereby verified, that Fools make Feasts.
I wish in this Case the other were as true, and wise Men eat
them. These Travellers might, one would think, find some
Fault they could more decently reproach us with, than that
of our excessive Civility to them as Strangers.
I have not, indeed yet thought of a Remedy for Luxury
I am not sure, that in a great State it is capable of a Remedy.
Nor that the Evil is in itself always so great as it is represented.
Suppose we include in the Definition of Luxury all unnecessary
Expence, and then let us consider whether Laws to prevent
such Expence are possible to be executed in a great Country,
and whether, if they could be executed, our People generally
would be happier, or even richer. Is not the Hope of one
day being able to purchase and enjoy Luxuries a great Spur
to Labour and Industry? May not Luxury, therefore, pro-
duce more than it consumes, if without such a Spur People
would be, as they are naturally enough inclined to be, lazy
and indolent ? To this purpose I remember a Circumstance.
The Skipper of a Shallop, employed between Cape May and
Philadelphia, had done us some small Service, for which he
refused Pay. My Wife, understanding that he had a Daugh-
ter, sent her as a Present a new-fashioned Cap. Three
Years After, this Skipper being at my House with an old
Farmer of Cape May, his Passenger, he mentioned the Cap,
and how much his Daughter had been pleased with it. " But,"
244 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
says he, " it proved a dear Cap to our Congregation." " How
so?" "When my Daughter appeared in it at Meeting, it
was so much admired, that all the Girls resolved to get such
Caps from Philadelphia; and my Wife and I computed,
that the whole could not have cost less than a hundred Pound."
"True," says the Farmer, "but you do not tell all the Story.
I think the Cap was nevertheless an Advantage to us, for
it was the first thing that put our Girls upon Knitting worsted
Mittens for Sale at Philadelphia, that they might have where-
withal to buy Caps and Ribbands there ; and you know that
that Industry has continued, and is likely to continue and
increase to a much greater Value, and answer better Pur-
poses." Upon the whole, I was more reconciled to this
little Piece of Luxury, since not only the Girls were made
happier by having fine Caps, but the Philadelphians by the
Supply of warm Mittens.
In our Commercial Towns upon the Seacoast, Fortunes
will occasionally be made. Some of those who grow rich
will be prudent, live within Bounds, and preserve what they
have gained for their Posterity ; others, fond of showing their
Wealth, will be extravagant and ruin themselves. Laws
cannot prevent this; and perhaps it is not always an evil to
the Publick. A Shilling spent idly by a Fool, may be picked
up by a Wiser Person, who knows better what to do with it.
It is therefore not lost. A vain, silly Fellow builds a fine
House, furnishes it richly, lives in it expensively, and in few
years ruins himself; but the Masons, Carpenters, Smiths,
and other honest Tradesmen have been by his Employ as-
sisted in maintaining and raising their Families ; the Farmer
has been paid for his labour, and encouraged, and the Estate
is now in better Hands. In some Cases, indeed, certain
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 245
Modes of Luxury may be a publick Evil, in the same Manner
as it is a Private one. If there be a Nation, for Instance,
that exports its Beef and Linnen, to pay for its Importation
of Claret and Porter, while a great Part of its People live upon
Potatoes, and wear no Shirts, wherein does it differ from the
Sot, who lets his Family starve, and sells his Clothes to buy
Drink? Our American Commerce is, I confess, a little in this
way. We sell our Victuals to your Islands for Rum and
Sugar; the substantial Necessaries of Life for Superfluities.
But we have Plenty, and live well nevertheless, tho' by being
soberer, we might be richer.
By the by, here is just issued an arrtt of Council taking off
all the Duties upon the exportation of Brandies, which, it is
said, will render them cheaper in America than your Rum;
in which case there is no doubt but they will be pre-
ferr'd, and we shall be better able to bear your Restrictions
on our Commerce. There are Views here, by augmenting
their Settlements, of being able to supply the growing People
of America with the Sugar that may be wanted there. On
the whole, I guess England will get as little by the Commer-
cial War she has begun with us, as she did by the Military.
But to return to Luxury.
The vast Quantity of Forest Lands we have yet to clear,
and put in order for Cultivation, will for a long time keep the
Body of our Nation laborious and frugal. Forming an Opin-
ion of our People and their Manners by what is seen among
the Inhabitants of the Seaports, is judging from an improper
Sample. The People of the Trading Towns may be rich
and luxurious, while the Country possesses all the Virtues,
that tend to private Happiness and publick Prosperity.
Those Towns are not much regarded by the Country; they
246 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
are hardly considered as an essential Part of the States;
and the Experience of the last War has shown, that their
being in the Possession of the Enemy did not necessarily
draw on the Subjection of the Country, which bravely con-
tinued to maintain its Freedom and Independence notwith-
standing.
It has been computed by some Political Arithmetician,
that, if every Man and Woman would work for four Hours
each Day on something useful, that Labour would produce
sufficient to procure all the Necessaries and Comforts of Life,
Want and Misery would be banished out of the World, and
the rest of the 24 hours might be Leisure and Pleasure.
What occasions then so much Want and Misery? It is
the Employment of Men and Women in Works, that produce
neither the Necessaries nor Conveniences of Life, who, with
those who do nothing, consume the Necessaries raised by the
Laborious. To explain this.
The first Elements of Wealth are obtained by Labour,
from the Earth and Waters. I have Land, and raise Corn.
With this, if I feed a Family that does nothing, my Corn will
be consum'd, and at the end of the Year I shall be no richer
than I was at the beginning. But if, while I feed them, I
employ them, some in Spinning, others in hewing Timber
and sawing Boards, others in making Bricks, &c. for Build-
ing, the Value of my Corn will be arrested and remain with
me, and at the end of the Year we may all be better clothed
and better lodged. And if, instead of employing a Man I
feed in making Bricks, I employ him in fiddling for me, the
Corn he eats is gone, and no Part of his Manufacture remains
to augment the Wealth and Convenience of the family; I
shall therefore be the poorer for this fiddling Man, unless the
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 247
rest of my Family work more, or eat less, to make up the
Deficiency he occasions.
Look round the World and see the Millions employ'd in
doing nothing, or in something that amounts to nothing,
when the Necessaries and Conveniences of Life are in ques-
tion. What is the Bulk of Commerce, for which we fight
and destroy each other, but the Toil of Millions for Super-
fluities, to the great Hazard and Loss of many Lives by the
constant Dangers of the Sea ? How much labour is spent in
Building and fitting great Ships, to go to China and Arabia
for Tea and Coffee, to the West Indies for Sugar, to America
for Tobacco ! These things cannot be called the Necessaries
of Life, for our Ancestors lived very comfortably without
them.
A Question may be asked; Could all these People, now
employed in raising, making, or canying Superfluities, be
subsisted by raising Necessaries? I think they might. The
World is large, and a great Part of it still uncultivated. Many
hundred Millions of Acres in Asia, Africa, and America are
still Forest, and a great Deal even in Europe. On 100 Acres
of this Forest a Man might become a substantial Farmer,
and 100,000 Men, employed in clearing each his 100 Acres,
would hardly brighten a Spot big enough to be Visible from
the Moon, unless with HerschelTs Telescope ; so vast are the
Regions still in Wood unimproved.
'Tis however, some Comfort to reflect, that, upon the whole,
the Quantity of Industry and Prudence among Mankind
exceeds the Quantity of Idleness and Folly. Hence the In-
crease of good Buildings, Farms cultivated, and populous
Cities filled with Wealth, all over Europe, which a few Ages
since were only to be found on the Coasts of the Mediterra-
248 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
nean; and this, notwithstanding the mad Wars continually
raging, by which are often destroyed in one year the Works
of many Years' Peace. So that we may hope the Luxury of a
few Merchants on the Seacoast will not be the Ruin of America.
One reflection more, and I will end this long, rambling
Letter. Almost all the Parts of our Bodies require some
Expence. The Feet demand Shoes; the Legs, Stockings;
the rest of the Body, Clothing; and the Belly, a good deal
of Victuals. Our Eyes, tho' exceedingly useful, ask, when
reasonable, only the cheap Assistance of Spectacles, which
could not much impair our Finances. But the Eyes of other
People are the Eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were
blind, I should want neither fine Clothes, fine Houses, nor
fine Furniture.
Adieu, my dear Friend, I am
Yours ever
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. This will be delivered to you by my Grandson. I
am persuaded you will afford him your Civilities and Counsels.
Please to accept a little Present of Books, I send by him,
curious for the Beauty of the Impression.
1518. TO COMTE DE MERCY ARGENTEAU1
Passy, July 30, 1784.
SIR,
I have the honour to communicate to your Excellency an
extract from the instructions of Congress to their late Com-
1 From "Diplomatic Revolutionary Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. II,
p. 515. Comte de Argenteau was Austrian Ambassador at the Court of
Versailles. — ED.
1784] TO MESSRS. SEARS AND SMITH 249
missioners for treating of peace, expressing their desire to
cultivate the friendship of his Imperial Majesty, and to enter
into a treaty of commerce for the mutual advantage of his
subjects and the citizens of the United States, which I request
you will be pleased to lay before his Majesty. The appointing
and instructing Commissioners for treaties of commerce with
the powers of Europe generally has, by various circumstances,
been long delayed, but is now done ; and I have just received
advice, that Mr. Jefferson, late Governor of Virginia, com-
missioned with Mr. Adams, our minister in Holland, and
myself, for that service, is on his way hither, and may be
expected by the end of August, when we shall be ready to
enter into a treaty with his Imperial Majesty for the above
purpose, if such should be his pleasure. With great and
sincere respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1519. TO MESSRS. SEARS AND SMITH (A. p. s.)
Passy, Aug. 4, 1784.
GENTLEMEN,
Upon Receipt of yours relating to your Cargo of Slaves at
Martinico, I endeavour'd to inform myself what was the Law
in such Cases; and I found, that by an arret du Conseil d'Etat
du Roi, of the 28th of June, 1783, there is a Duty laid, of 100
Livres per head, on all Negroes imported in foreign Ships, and
this Duty is granted and is to be paid as a Premium to the
French Importers of Negroes, as an Encouragement to their
own African Trade. Under these Circumstances I am
advis'd, that it cannot be expected that a general national
Law should be set aside in favour of a particular foreign
250 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
Ship ; especially as the King, if he forgives the Duty to the
Stranger, must thereby do Injustice to his own Subjects, to
whom he had promised the Produce of that Duty, unless he
pays it to them out of his own Money, which we cannot de-
cently request him to do. I do not, therefore, see any Possi-
bility of your avoiding the Payment. I have the Honour to
be, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1520. TO JOHN ADAMS (M. H. s.)
Passy, August 6, 1784.
SIR : — Mr. Bingham sent me last night, from Paris, your
Excellency's letter of the 27th past, enclosing a copy of one
from Mr. Jefferson. I had before sent you a copy of one
from the same to me, which I hope you received. I enclose
herewith copies of a letter from Mr. Thomson, some new in-
structions, and one of the commissions. The other two are
in the same words, except that instead of the words the United
Netherlands, there is in one France, and in the other Sweden.
These came by Monsieur de la Luzerne, but it was not before
Wednesday last that I received them. You will see that a
good deal of business is cut out for us — treaties to be made
with, I think, twenty powers in two years, — so that we are
not likely to eat the bread of idleness ; and that we may not
surfeit by eating too much, our masters have diminished our
allowance. I commend their economy, and shall imitate it
by diminishing my expense. Our too liberal entertainment
of our countrymen here has been reported at home by our
1784] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 251
guests, and has given offence. They must be contented for
the future, as I am, with plain beef and pudding. The
readers of Connecticut newspapers ought not to be troubled
for any more accounts of our extravagance. For my own part,
if I could sit down to dinner on a piece of excellent salt pork
and pumpkin, I would not give a farthing for all the luxuries
of Paris.
B. FRANKLIN.
1521. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (p. c.)
Passy, Aug. 15, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind Letter of July 22. I wish you had
executed your Project of taking a little Trip to see me this
Summer. You would have made me very happy, and might
have bath'd your Children here, as well as at Southampton,
I having a Bath in my House, besides the River in view. I
like your monthly Account of them, and in Return send you
my Daughter's Account of my Grandchildren at Philadelphia.
You will see she expected me home this Summer; but my
Constituents have sent me a new Commission, and I must stay
another Winter. Can you not come and pass it with me here ?
Temple, who proposes to have the Pleasure of delivering
this to you, will explain to you how you may be accommodated,
and, if you can resolve to come, will conduct you. Except
being at home, which I begin now to fear I never shall be,
nothing could give me greater Pleasure. Come, my dear
Friend, live with me while I stay here, and go with me, if I
do go, to America. Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D.— ED.
252 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
P. S. My Love to the dear Children, particularly my
Godson, for whom Temple has a little Present of French
Books.
1522. TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN (B. ic.)
Passy, Aug. 16, 1784.
DEAR SON,
I received your Letter of the 22d past, and am glad to find
that you desire to revive the affectionate Intercourse, that
formerly existed between us. It will be very agreable to me ;
indeed nothing has ever hurt me so much and affected me
with such keen Sensations, as to find myself deserted in my
old Age by my only Son ; and not only deserted, but to find
him taking up Arms against me, in a Cause, wherein my good
Fame, Fortune and Life were all at Stake. You conceived,
you say, that your Duty to your King and Regard for your
Country requir'd this. I ought not to blame you for differing
in Sentiment with me in Public Affairs. We are Men, all
subject to Errors. Our Opinions are not in our own Power;
they are form'd and govern'd much by Circumstances, that
are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. Your
Situation was such that few would have censured your re-
maining Neuter, tho1 there are Natural Duties which precede
political ones, and cannot be extinguished by them.
This is a disagreable Subject. I drop it. And we will
endeavour, as you propose mutually to forget what has
happened relating to it, as well as we can. I send your
Son over to pay his Duty to you. You will find him much
improv'd. He is greatly esteem'd and belov'd in this Coun-
try, and will make his Way anywhere. It is my Desire, that
1784] TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN 253
he should study the Law, as a necessary Part of Knowledge
for a public Man, and profitable if he should have occasion
to practise it. I would have you therefore put into his hands
those Law-books you have, viz. Blackstone, Coke, Bacon,
Viner, &c. He will inform you, that he received the Letter
sent him by Mr. Galloway, and the Paper it enclosed, safe.
On my leaving America, I deposited with that Friend for
you, a Chest of Papers, among which was a Manuscript of
nine or ten Volumes, relating to Manufactures, Agriculture,
Commerce, Finance, etc., which cost me in England about
70 Guineas; eight Quire Books, containing the Rough
Drafts of all my Letters while I liv'd in London. These are
missing. I hope you have got them, if not, they are lost. Mr.
Vaughan has publish'd in London a Volume of what he calls
my Political Works. He proposes a second Edition; but,
as the first was very incompleat, and you had many Things
that were omitted, (for I used to send you sometimes the
Rough Drafts, and sometimes the printed Pieces I wrote in
London,) I have directed him to apply to you for what may be
in your Power to furnish him with, or to delay his Publica-
tion till I can be at home again, if that may ever happen.
I did intend returning this year; but the Congress, instead
of giving me Leave to do so, have sent me another Commission,
which will keep me here at least a Year longer ; and perhaps
I may then be too old and feeble to bear the Voyage. I am
here among a People that love and respect me, a most amiable
Nation to live with; and perhaps I may conclude to die
among them ; for my Friends hi America are dying off, one
after another, and I have been so long abroad, that I should
now be almost a Stranger in my own Country.
I shall be glad to see you when convenient, but would not
254 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
have you come here at present. You may confide to your
son the Family Affairs you wished to confer upon with me,
for he is discreet. And I trust, that you will prudently avoid
introducing him to Company, that it may be improper for
him to be seen with. I shall hear from you by him and any
letters to me afterwards, will come safe under Cover directed
to Mr. Ferdinand Grand, Banker at Paris. Wishing you
Health, and more Happiness than it seems you have lately
experienced, I remain your affectionate father,
B. FRANKLIN.
1523. TO RICHARD PRICE (L. c.)
Passy, August 16, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I some time since answered your kind Letter of July 12,
returning the Proof of Mr. Turgot's Letter, with the Per-
mission of his Friends to print it. I hope it came safe to
hand. I had before received yours of April 6,1 which gave
me great Pleasure, as it acquainted me with your Welfare,
and that of Dr. Priestley.
The Commencement here of the Art of Flying will, as you
observe, be a new Epoch. The Construction and Manner of
Filling the Balloons improves daily. Some of the Artists
have lately gone to England. It will be well for your Philoso-
phers to obtain from them what they know, or you will be
behindhand; which in mechanic Operations is unusual for
Englishmen.
I hope the Disagreements in our Royal Society are com-
posed. Quarrels often disgrace both Sides; and Disputes
1 Both of these letters, April 6 and July 12, are in A. P. S. — ED.
1784] TO RICHARD PRICE 255
even on small Matters often produce Quarrels for want of
knowing how to differ decently; an Art which it is said
scarce anybody possesses but yourself and Dr. Priestley.
I had indeed Thoughts of visiting England once more, and
of enjoying the great Pleasure of seeing again my Friends
there ; but my Malady, otherwise tolerable, is I find irritated
by Motion in a Carriage and I fear the Consequence of such a
Journey ; yet I am not quite resolv'd against it. I often think
of the agreable Evenings I used to pass with that excellent
Collection of good Men, the Club at the London, and wish to
be again among them. Perhaps I may pop in some Thursday
evening when they least expect me. You may well believe it
very pleasing to me to have Dr. Priestley associated with me
among the Foreign Members of the Academy of Sciences. I
had mention'd him upon every Vacancy, that has happen'd
since my Residence here, and the Place has never been
bestow'd more worthily.
When you wrote the Letter I am now answering, your
Nation was involv'd in the Confusion of your new Election.
When I think of your present crazy Constitution and its
Diseases, I imagine the enormous Emoluments of Place to be
among the greatest; and, while they exist, I doubt whether
even the Reform of your Representation will cure the Evils
constantly arising from your perpetual Factions. As it
seems to be a settled Point at present, that the Minister must
govern the Parliament, who are to do every thing he would
have done ; and he is to bribe them to do this, and the People
are to furnish the Money to pay these Bribes; the Parlia-
ment appears to me a very expensive Machine for Govern-
ment, and I apprehend the People will find out in time, that
they may as well be governed, and that it will be much cheaper
256 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
to be governed, by the Minister alone; no Parliament being
preferable to the present.
Your Newspapers are full of fictitious Accounts of Dis-
tractions in America. We know nothing of them. Mr.
Jefferson, just arrived here, after a Journey thro' all the
States from Virginia to Boston, assures me, that all is quiet,
a general Tranquility reigns, and the People well satisfy'd
with their present Forms of Government, a few insignificant
Persons only excepted. These Accounts are I suppose in-
tended as consolatory, and to discourage Emigrations. I
think with you, that our Revolution is an important Event
for the Advantage of Mankind in general. It is to be hoped
that the Lights we enjoy, which the ancient Governments in
their first Establishment could not have, may preserve us from
their Errors. In this the Advice of wise Friends may do us
much good, and I am sure that which you have been so kind as
to offer us will be of great Service.
Mr. Jay is gone to America ; but Mr. Adams is just arriv'd
here, and I shall acquaint him with your remembrance of
him. Poor Paradise * whom you mention I respect and pity.
But there is no helping him. He seems calculated by Nature
for Unhappiness and will be equally miserable whether with
or without his wife,2 having no firmness of Mind. I doubt his
1 John Paradise (1743-1795), born at Salonica (Macedonia), son of the
English consul at that place, was an extraordinary linguist and one of Dr.
Johnson's friends and a mourner at his funeral. — ED.
2 Paradise married " a beautiful and lively American " whose ungovernable
temper was the talk of the town. See Fanny Burney, " Diary and Letters,"
Vol. II, pp. 116-122. The property in Virginia was hers and she retired
there after her husband's death. Price wrote to Franklin, "the folly, ill-
temper and extravagance of his [Paradise's] wife produced for some weeks a
Separation between him and her, and made him one of the most unhappy men
I ever saw." — ED.
1784] TO BENJAMIN WEST 257
Property in Virginia may suffer by his Irresolution. Many
Thanks for your kind Wishes respecting my Health and Hap-
piness, which I return fourfold, being ever with the sincerest
Esteem, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
1524. TO BENJAMIN WEST l (p. c.)
Passy, Aug. 17, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
I forget whether I answered in its time your kind letter by
Mr. Dagge. I have it now before me, and there will be no
harm in answering it twice. It gave me great Pleasure, as
it inform'd me of the Welfare of a Family I so much esteem
and love, and that my Godson is a promising Boy. I wish
much to see you all once more. The Malady I have, tho'
otherwise tolerable, prevents my using a Carriage, and so
discourages the Journey. If I grow better, and I do think
I am mending, possibly I may undertake it before I go to
America. You can tell me whether my Appearance in Lon-
don may not be offensive to some whom I ought not and do
not desire to offend any farther. I am glad to hear that Mr.
and Mrs. Aufrere are well, and preserve me in their kind
Remembrance.2 They are Persons that I very much esteem
and respect. They had an amiable Daughter who was mar-
ried before I left England. Is she well, and has she Children ?
This will be delivered to you by my Grandson who respects
1 From the original in the autograph collection of Mr. John Boyd
Thacher. — ED.
2 Anthony Aufrere of Hoveton Hall, Norfolk, who married Anna, only
daughter of John Norris of Witton in Norfolk, and sister of John Norris,
founder of the Norrisian professorship at Cambridge. — ED.
VOL. IX — s
258 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
you infinitely. My Love to Raphael and my Godson. I
shall be glad to see Raphael1 here, and would have him come
at the Time of the Salon. Embrace Betsey 2 for me most
affectionately, and believe me ever, my dear Friend,
Yours sincerely
B. FRANKLIN.
1525. TO LORD HOWE (L. c.)
Passy, Augt 18., 1784.
MY LORD,
I received lately the very valuable Voyage of the late Cap-
tain Cook, kindly sent to me by your Lordship in considera-
tion of my Good- will in issuing Orders towards the protec-
tion of that illustrious Discoverer from any Interruption in his
Return home by American Cruisers. The Reward vastly
exceeds the small Merit of the Action, which was no more than
a Duty to Mankind. I am very sensible of his Majesty's
Goodness in permitting this Favour to me, and I desire that
my thankful acknowledgements may be accepted. With
great Respect, I am, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient
and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.8
1 Raphael Lamar West (1769-1850), the elder of Benjamin West's two
sons. — ED.
2 Mrs. West, nee Elizabeth Shewell.— ED.
3 A gold medal was struck by order of the Royal Society, with particular
reference to the protection afforded to Captain Cook's vessels by the Emperor
of Russia and the King of France. The Society bestowed upon Dr. Franklin
a compliment similar to the King's, by presenting to him one of these medals.
— S.
1784] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 259
1526. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN (L. c.)
Passy, Aug* i9-th 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind Letter of Ap1 i7th. You will have
the goodness to place my delay in answering to the Account
of Indisposition and Business, and excuse it. I have now that
letter before me; and my Grandson, whom you may formerly
remember a little Scholar of Mr. Elphinston's, purposing to
set out in a day or two on a visit to his Father in London,
I set down to scribble a little to you, first recommending him
as a worthy young Man to your Civilities and Counsels.
You press me much to come to England. I am not with-
out strong Inducements to do so; the Fund of Knowledge
you promise to Communicate to me is an Addition to them,
and no small one. At present it is impracticable. But,
when my Grandson returns, come with him. We will then
talk the matter over, and perhaps you may take me back with
you. I have a Bed at your service, and will try to make your
Residence, while you can stay with us, as agreable to you, if
possible, as I am sure it will be to me.
You do not " approve the annihilation of profitable Places;
for you do not see why a Statesman, who does his Business
well, should not be paid for his Labour as well as any other
Workman." Agreed. But why more than any other Work-
man? The less the Salary the greater the Honor. In so
great a Nation, there are many rich enough to afford giving
their time to the Public; and there are, I make no doubt,
many wise and able Men, who would take as much Pleasure
260 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1784
in governing for nothing, as they do in playing Chess for
nothing. It would be one of the noblest of Amusements.
That this Opinion is not Chimerical, the Country I now live
in affords a Proof ; its whole Civil and Criminal Law Admin-
istration being done for nothing, or in some sense for less than
nothing; since the Members of its Judiciary Parliaments
buy their Places, and do not make more than three per cent
for their Money by their Fees and Emoluments, while the
legal Interest is five; so that in Fact they give two per cent
to be allow'd to govern, and all their time and trouble into the
Bargain. Thus Profit, one Motive for desiring Place, being
abolish'd, there remains only Ambition; and that being in
some degree ballanced by Loss, you may easily conceive,
that there will not be very violent Factions and Contentions
for such Places, nor much of the Mischief to the Country,
that attends your Factions, which have often occasioned
Wars, and overloaded you with Debts impayable.
I allow you all the Force of your Joke upon the Vagrancy
of our Congress. They have a right to sit where they please,
of which perhaps they have made too much Use by shifting
too often. But they have two other Rights ; those of sitting
when they please, and as long as they please, in which
methinks they have the advantage of your Parliament; for
they cannot be dissolved by the Breath of a Minister, or sent
packing as you were the other day, when it was your earnest
desire to have remained longer together.
You "fairly acknowledge, that the late War terminated
quite contrary to your Expectation." Your expectation was
ill founded ; for you would not believe your old Friend, who
told you repeatedly, that by those Measures England would
lose her Colonies, as Epictetus warned in vain his Master that
I784] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 261
he would break his Leg. You believ'd rather the Tales you
heard of our Poltroonery and Impotence of Body and Mind.
Do you not remember the Story you told me of the Scotch
sergeant, who met with a Party of Forty American Soldiers,
and, tho' alone, disarm'd them all, and brought them in
Prisoners? A Story almost as Improbable as that of the
Irishman, who pretended to have alone taken and brought
in Five of the enemy by surrounding them. And yet, my
Friend, sensible and Judicious as you are, but partaking of
the general Infatuation, you seemed to believe it.
The Word general puts me in mind of a General, your
General Clarke, who had the Folly to say in my hearing at
Sir John Pringle's, that, with a Thousand British grenadiers,
he would undertake to go from one end of America to the
other, and geld all the Males, partly by force and partly by a
little Coaxing. It is plain he took us for a species of Animals
very little superior to Brutes. The Parliament too believ'd
the stories of another foolish General, I forget his Name, that
the Yankeys never jell bold. Yankey was understood to be a
sort of Yahoo, and the Parliament did not think the Petitions
of such Creatures were fit to be received and read in so wise
an Assembly. What was the consequence of this monstrous
Pride and Insolence ? You first sent small Armies to subdue
us, believing them more than sufficient, but soon found your-
selves obliged to send greater ; these, whenever they ventured
to penetrate our Country beyond the Protection of their Ships,
were either repulsed and obliged to scamper out, or were
surrounded, beaten, and taken Prisoners. An American
Planter, who had never seen Europe, was chosen by us to
Command our Troops, and continued during the whole War.
This Man sent home to you, one after another, five of your
262 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
best Generals baffled, their Heads bare of Laurels, disgraced
even in the Opinion of their Employers.
Your contempt of our Understandings, in Comparison with
your own, appeared to be not much better founded than that
of our Courage, if we may judge by this Circumstance, that,
in whatever Court of Europe a Yankey negociator appeared,
the wise British Minister was routed, put in a passion, pick'd
a quarrel with your Friends, and was sent home with a Flea
in his Ear.
But after all, my dear Friend, do not imagine that I am
vain enough to ascribe our Success to any superiority in any
of those Points. I am too well acquainted with all the
Springs and Levers of our Machine, not to see, that our human
means were unequal to our undertaking, and that, if it had not
been for the Justice of our Cause, and the consequent Inter-
position of Providence, in which we had Faith, we must have
been ruined. If I had ever before been an Atheist, I should
now have been convinced of the Being and Government of a
Deity ! It is he who abases the Proud and favours the Hum-
ble. May we never forget his Goodness to us, and may our
future Conduct manifest our Gratitude.
But let us leave these serious Reflections and converse with
our usual Pleasantry. I remember your observing once to me
as we sat together in the House of Commons, that no two
Journeymen Printers, within your Knowledge, had met with
such Success in the World as ourselves. You were then at
the head of your Profession, and soon afterwards became a
Member of Parliament. I was an Agent for a few Provinces,
and now act for them all. But we have risen by different
Modes. I, as a Republican Printer, always liked a Form well
plain* d down; being averse to those overbearing Letters that
1784] TO WILLIAM STRAHAN 263
hold their Heads so high, as to hinder their Neighbours from
appearing. You, as a Monarchist, chose to work upon
Crown Paper, and found it profitable; while I work'd upon
pro patria (often indeed calPd Fools Cap) with no less advan-
tage. Both our Heaps hold out very well, and we seem likely
to make a pretty good day's Work of it. With regard to Public
Affairs (to continue in the same stile), it seems to me that the
Compositors in your Chapel do not cast off their Copy well,
nor perfectly understand Imposing; their Forms, too, are
continually pester'd by the Outs and Doubles, that are not
easy to be corrected. And I think they were wrong in laying
aside some Faces, and particularly certain Head-pieces, that
would have been both useful and ornamental. But, Courage !
The Business may still flourish with good Management ; and
the Master become as rich as any of the Company.
By the way, the rapid Growth and extension of the English
language in America, must become greatly Advantageous to
the booksellers, and holders of Copy- Rights in England. A
vast audience is assembling there for English Authors, an-
cient, present, and future, our People doubling every twenty
Years; and this will demand large and of course profitable
Impressions of your most valuable Books. I would, therefore,
if I possessed such rights, entail them, if such a thing be prac-
ticable, upon my Posterity ; for their Worth will be continu-
ally augmenting. This may look a little like Advice, and yet
I have drank no Madeira these Ten Months.
The Subject, however, leads me to another Thought,
which is, that you do wrong to discourage the Emigration
of Englishmen to America. In my piece on Population, I
have proved, I think, that Emigration does not diminish but
multiplies a Nation. You will not have fewer at home for
264 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
those that go Abroad ; and as every Man who comes among
us, and takes up a piece of Land, becomes a Citizen, and by
our Constitution has a Voice in Elections, and a share in the
Government of the Country, why should you be against ac-
quiring by this fair Means a Repossession of it, and leave it
to be taken by Foreigners of all Nations and Languages, who
by their Numbers may drown and stifle the English, which
otherwise would probably become in the course of two Cen-
turies the most extensive Language in the World, the Spanish
only excepted? It is a Fact, that the Irish emigrants and
their children are now in Possession of the Government of
Pennsylvania, by their Majority in the Assembly, as well as
of a great Part of the Territory; and I remember well the
first Ship that brought any of them over. I am ever, my dear
Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1527. TO GEORGE WHATLEY (L. c.)
Passy, Augt 21, 1784.
MY DEAR OLD FRIEND,
I received your kind Letter of May 3d, 1783. I am
ashamed that it has been so long unanswered. The Indo-
lence of Old Age, frequent Indisposition, and too much
Business are my only Excuses. I had great pleasure in
reading it, as it informed me of your Welfare.
Your excellent little Work, The Principles of Trade, is too
little known. I wish you would send me a Copy of it by the
Return of my Grandson and Secretary, whom I beg leave
to Recommend to your Civilities. I would get it translated
and printed here, And if your Bookseller has any quantity
1784] TO GEORGE WHATLEY 265
of them left, I should be glad he would send them to America.
The Ideas of our People there, tho' rather better than those
that prevail in Europe, are not so good as they should be;
and that Piece might be of service among them.
Since and soon after the Date of your letter, we lost unac-
countably, as well as unfortunately, that worthy, valuable
young Man you mention, your namesake, Maddison. He
was infinitely regretted by all that knew him.
I am sorry your favorite Chanty l does not go on as you could
wish it. It is shrunk indeed by your admitting only 60 chil-
dren a year. What you have told your brethren respecting
America is true. If you find it difficult to dispose of your
Children in England, it looks as if you had too many people.
And yet you are afraid of Emigration. A Subscription is
lately set on foot here to encourage and assist Mothers in
Nursing their Infants themselves at home; the Practice of
sending them to the Enjants trouves having risen here to a
monstrous Excess, as, by the annual Bill, it appears they
amount to near one Third of the Children born in Paris !
The Subscription is likely to succeed, and may do a great
deal of good, tho' it cannot answer all the purposes of a Found-
ling Hospital.
Your Eyes must continue very good, since you can write so
small a Hand without Spectacles. I cannot distinguish a
Letter even of Large Print ; but am happy in the invention of
Double Spectacles, which, serving for distant objects as well
as near ones, make my Eyes as useful to me as ever they were.
If all the other Defects and Infirmities were as easily and
cheaply remedied, it would be worth while for Friends to live
a good deal longer, but I look upon Death to be as necessary
1 The Foundling Hospital, of which Mr. Whatley was the Treasurer. — ED.
266 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
to our Constitution as Sleep. We shall rise refreshed in the
Morning. Adieu, and believe me ever yours most affec-
tionately,
B. F[RANKLIN].
1528. TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY (i. c.)
Passy, Augt 21, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
Understanding that my Letter intended for you by General
Melvill,1 was lost at the H6tel d'Espagne, I take this Oppor-
tunity by my Grandson to give you the purport of it, as well
as I can recollect. I thank'd you for the Pleasure you had
procured me of the General's Conversation, whom I found a
judicious, sensible, and amiable Man. I was glad to hear
that you possess'd a comfortable Retirement, and more so that
you had Thoughts of removing to Philadelphia, for that it
would make me very happy to have you there. Your Com-
panions would be very acceptable to the Library, but I hoped
you would long live to enjoy their Company yourself. I
agreed with you in Sentiments concerning the Old Testa-
ment, and thought the Clause in our Constitution, which
required the Members of Assembly to declare their belief,
that the whole 0} it was given by divine Inspiration, had better
have been omitted. That I had opposed the Clause; but,
being overpower'd by Numbers, and fearing more might in
future Times be grafted on it, I prevailed to have the addi-
tional Clause, "that no farther or more extended Profession
of Faith should ever be exacted." I observed to you too, that
1 Robert Melville (1723-1809), general and antiquary, inventor of the
"Carronades." — ED.
1784] TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY 267
the Evil of it was the less, as no Inhabitant, nor any Officer
of Government, except the Members of Assembly, were
oblig'd to make that Declaration.
So much for that Letter; to which I may now add, that
there are several Things in the Old Testament, impossible
to be given by divine Inspiration; such as the Approbation
ascribed to the Angel of the Lord, of that abominably wicked
and detestable Action of Jael, the wife of Heber, the Kenite.1
If the rest of the Book were like that, I should rather suppose
it given by Inspiration from another Quarter, and renounce
the whole.
By the way, how goes on the Unitarian Church in Essex
Street? And the honest Minister of it,2 is he comfortably
supported ? Your old Colleague, Mr. Radcliff , is he living ?
And what became of Mr. Denham ?
My Grandson, who will have the honour of delivering this
to you, may bring me a Line from you ; and I hope will bring
me an Account of your continuing well and happy.
I jog on still, with as much Health, and as few of the
Infirmities of old Age, as I have any Reason to expect. But
whatever is impair'd in my Constitution, my Regard for my
old Friends remains firm and entire. You will always have
a good Share of it, for I am ever with great and sincere
esteem, dear Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Judges, chap. iv.
2 Theophilus Lindsey (1723-1808), named after Theophilus, Earl of Hunt-
ingdon, his godfather. His friends built for him the chapel in Essex Street,
opened in March, 1778. He published in 1784 "Vindiciae Priestleyana."
-ED.
268 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1529. TO WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Passy, Aug* 25. 1784. Wednesday.
MY DEAR CHILD,
Nothing very material has happened since you left us.
The D. of Dorset calFd yesterday, and enquired if I had
heard from you, supposing you had been gone a Week. Mr.
Adams & Family, Mad6 Dandelot and other Friends have
visited me ; & Mad? Saurin who is return'd from England.
We din'd with her yesterday. She says Made. D'hauteville
will be glad to see you in England, wishes you would call
upon her, and has given- me her Address, which I enclose.
We dine, Ben & I, today with M. de Chaumont, & Satur-
day with Mr. Adams.
The Report i is publish'd and makes a great deal of Talk.
Everybody agrees that it is well written; but many wonder
at the Force of Imagination describ'd in it, as occasioning
Convulsions &c. and some fear that Consequences may be
drawn from it by Infidels to weaken our Faith in some of the
Miracles of the New Testament. I send you two more Copies.
You would do well to give one to the French Ambassador,
if he has not had it. Some think it will put an End to Mes-
merism. But there is a wonderful deal of Credulity in the
World, and Deceptions as absurd, have supported themselves
for Ages.
I send you a few more Letters, and am
Your affectionate Grandfather,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Mrs. Holt, Printer to the State in New York, is
1 Report of the Commission for the investigation of Mesmerism. — ED.
1784] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 269
punctual since her Husband's Death, in sending me News
Papers by every Packet. At the Entrance of the Exchange
is a little shop where they sell all the London's Newspapers.
I would have you buy a few of the latest and send to her,
and let her know it is by my Order. You will find a Bag up
in the New York Coffee-House, in which you can put the
Packet directed to her.
1530. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES l
SlR Passy, September 3, 1784.
I have the honour to transmit to your Excellency, by order
of Congress, a resolution of theirs, dated the nth of May
last, which is in the words following, viz.
" Resolved, That Dr. Franklin be instructed to express to the court of
France, the constant desire of Congress to meet their wishes ; that these
States are about to form a general system of commerce, by treaties with other
nations ; that, at this time, they cannot foresee what claim might be given
to those nations by the explanatory propositions from the Count de Vergennes,
on the second and third articles of our Treaty of Amity and Commerce with
His Most Christian Majesty, but that he may be assured it will be our con-
stant care to place no people on more advantageous ground than the subjects
of his Majesty."
With great respect, I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1531. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN (L. c.)
MY DEAR FRIEND, Pass>' ***• 7' '784'
This will be delivered to you by Count Mirabeau ; 2 son
of the Marquis of that name, Author of UAmi des Hommes.
1 From "Diplomatic Revolutionary Correspondence" (Sparks), Vol. II,
p. 516. — ED.
2 The same who afterwards so eminently distinguished himself by his elo-
quence in the early part of the French Revolution. — \V. T. F.
270 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
This Gentleman is esteemed here, and I recommend him
to your Civilities and Counsels, particularly with respect to
the Printing of a Piece he has written on the subject of heredi-
tary Nobility, on occasion of the Order of Cincinnati lately
attempted to be established in America, which cannot be
printed here. I find that some of the best Judges think it
extremely well written, with great Clearness, Force, and
Elegance. If you can recommend him to an honest, reason-
able Bookseller, that will undertake it, you will do him Ser-
vice, and perhaps some to Mankind, who are too much
bigotted in many Countries to that kind of imposition.
I had formerly almost resolved to trouble you with no more
letters of Recommendation; but I think you will find this
Gentleman to possess Talents, that may render his acquaint-
ance agreable. With sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear
Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1532. TO W. T. FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Passy, Sept. 8. 1784.
MY DEAR CHILD,
I have receiv'd no Line from you since that from Dover.
I continue as well as when you left me. M. le Veillard is
much better but still weak and cannot yet go abroad. The
rest of our Friends are well, and often enquire after you. I
intended to have sent you some more Letters ; but my Time
has been all devour'd by Business and Visitors. The in-
clos'd Pacquet is from M. le Veillard. I have promis'd him
that you will take care of it and deliver it immediately. It
contains two Letters of Recommendation wch I have given
1784] TO W. T. FRANKLIN 271
the Count * at M. V's Request, one to Dr. Price, the other to
our Friend Vaughan. If it should be in your way to show him
any Civilities, I would have you do it. He is a Man of Talents,
and his Father was obliging to me when I was formerly in
France. I have three Invitations to dine out to-day, with
Madames Brillon, Helvetius, and M. de Chaumont. But
it is so excessively hot, that I shall stay at home. We pro-
ceed gently with our Business. The Newspapers begin to
come from Dover, so I would have you stop & pay off the
others. Thank Mr. Thomson in my Behalf when you re-
turn. I am ever
Your affectionate Grandfather
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Mesmer has complain'd to the Parliament of our
Report, and requested that they would appoint Commis-
saries, to whom he might submit the Examination of — not
his Theory and Practice, but — un Plan qui renfermera les
seuls moyens possibles de constater infailliblement 1'exis-
tence & Futilite* de sa decouverte. The Petition was printed.
Many thought the Parliament would do nothing in it. But
they have laid hold of it to clinch Mesmer, and oblige him
to expose all directly. So that it must soon be seen whether
there is any difference between his Art & Desler's. Voici leur
[Arret du 6 7brc 1784.]
La Cour ordonne qui par devant quatre Docteurs de la
Faculte* de Medecine, deux Chirurgiens, & deux Maitres en
Pharmacie, Mesmer sera tenu d'exposer la Doctrine dont il
annonce avoir fait la Decouverte & les procede*s qu'il pretend
devoir etre suivis & pratique's pour en faire Le Application ;
1 Count Mirabeau, see preceding letter. — ED.
272 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
dont sera dresse* Proce's verbal, pour celui communique' a
M. le Procureur General, et rapporte* en la Cour e*tre or-
donne ce qu'il appartriendra.
1533. TO AN UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT (L.C.)
Passy ce 12 Septembre, 1784
J'AI recu Monsieur, la Lettre que vous m'avez fait Phon-
neur de m'e'crire le 8 de ce Mois. Je suis bien sensible a
PInteret que vous voulez bien prendre a ma Sante*, et je vous
suis infiniment oblige* ainsi qu'a M. Dubourg; de la Com-
munication de votre Remede contre la Pierres et la Gravelle.
Ma Maladie ayant £te [ ] supportable j'usqu'a ce Jour,
Je ne suis point encore determine a faire usage d'aucun
Medicament. Si le Mai augmentoit par la suite et que Je
me visse oblige* d'avoir recours a votre Recette, Je me ferai
un Devoir de vous faire part du Succes. Agre*ez, Je vous
prie, mes sinceres Remercimens et les Sentiment d'estime et
de Reconnoissance avec les quels J'ai Phonneur d'etre,
Monsieur,
Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur.
B. FRANKLIN.
1534. TO W. T. FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Passy, Sept. 13, 1784.
MY DEAR CHILD,
I received last Night yours of the f* & am glad to hear
you are quit of your Fever. You are well advis'd to continue
taking the Bark. There is an English Proverb that says,
1784] TO W. T. FRANKLIN" 273
An Ounce oj Prevention is worth a Pound of Cure. It is
particularly true with regard to the Bark and an Intermit-
tent.—
I consent to your going with your Father, and to your
Stay in England until the Middle of October.
Don't omit writing to me by every Post. The uncertain
State of your Health makes me more anxious to hear from
you.
I wrote to you that I had not suffer'd by going in a Carriage
to Auteuil. I afterwards had reason to think otherwise,
tho' it was not much. It has however discourag'd my re-
peating the Experiment. The Swedish Ambassador has
press'd me much to dine this day with him & Prince Henry,
but I thought myself oblig'd to refuse him. I walk'd how-
ever to Auteuil on Saturday to dine with Mr. A.1 &c. with
whom I go on comfortably. —
I have procur'd a Sauj Conduit for B. and he leaves us
to-morrow. Mr. W" will supply his Place.
Your Room-Floor was all taken up, the Timbers being
found so rotten that one might crumble them between the
Fingers. New ones are laid in Mortar, and the whole left open
to dry before the Boards are replaced. As your Stay will be
longer, we may give more time for the Drying, to prevent your
being incommoded with any remaining Dampness.
Get me a Book called Miscellanies by Daines Barrington,
Esqr.3
Give my Love to your Father.
Remember me affectionately to all enquiring Friends.
I am your loving Grandfather
B. FRANKLIN.
1 John Adams. — ED.
2 Daines Barrington (1727-1800), "Miscellanies" (1781). — ED.
VOL. IX— T
274 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
M & Madm Brillon with whom I am to Breakfast this
Morning, have charg'd me with mille choses to say to you on
their Behalf. Ben sends his Love, & his Duty to his Uncle.
M? le Veillard still continues low & weak.
1535. TO W. T. FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Passy, Oct. 2. 1784
DEAR GRANDSON,
I have not receiv'd a Line from you since that of Sept. 7.
now near a Month.1 I have waited with impatience the
Arrival of every Post. — But not a Word. — All your Ac-
quaintance are continually enquiring what News from you.
— I have none. Judge what I must feel, what they must
think, and tell me what I am to think of such Neglect. I
must suppose it Neglect : for if your Fever had return'd, and
you were unable to write, surely your Father, or somebody
would have inform'd me of it. — I shall continue however
till this Conduct of yours is clear'd up, hoping it may be
explain'd to my Satisfaction,
Your affectionate Grandfather
B. F.
1536. TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL (A. p. s.)
Passy, Oct. n, 1784
DEAR SIR,
I have just received the honour of yours of the 25th past,2
and shall communicate it as you desire to my Colleagues
1 A letter from W. T. Franklin, dated September 26, 1784, is in A. P. S.
—ED.
a In A. P. S. — ED.
1784] TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL 275
tomorrow. I think you did right in Mentioning to the
Minister the Nature of our Commission &c. In my last I
sent you a Copy of our Letter to the Count d'Aranda, herein
I inclose his Answer, in order to keep you fully inform'd of
what passes in the Negociation. The Reply has not yet been
made, as soon as it is, you shall have that likewise. I am
glad to learn that Mf Gardoqui l is sent to America. I write
in much Pain, and cannot now add but that I am ever, with
sincere Esteem and affection,
Dear Sir,
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Oct. 15. 1784.
Since writing the within, I have been acquainted that Mr
James Hartwell2 of Salem in New England, being at S*
Sebastian with a Cargo of Tobacco, & occasionally going
from thence to Bilbao, was seized in the latter Place by the
officers of the Inquisition, some Months since, and convey'd
to Logrone, being charged with having three or four years
ago embrac'd the Catholic Religion and afterwards quitting
it. They have also it seems taken Possession of his Tobacco.
And it is but lately, that his Friends of Bordeaux from whence
he went to meet his Cargo in Spain, have heard of his Mis-
fortune. There are some Americans of Distinction here
that know him, who say he is of a good Family, and bears
a good Character, but is sometimes a little disordered in his
1 M. Gardoqui, formerly consul-general in England, was appointed Charge
d'affaires to the United States with the commission of Minister. — ED.
* See letter to Carmichael, March 22, 1785, and letter to Jonathan Williams,
April 13, 1785. — ED.
276 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
Mind ; and they are exceedingly concern'd at his Situation,
and anxious that his Release should be obtained. My Col-
leagues My Adams and Mr Jefferson join with me in stating
this Matter to you, and Requesting that you would immedi-
ately take the proper Steps for Reclaiming him as a Subject
of the United States, and procuring an order for his Liberty
and the Restitution of his Property. This Conduct of the
Holy office, if not rectified, may be attended with bad
Consequences to the Commerce & Friendly Correspondence
that ought to be cultivated between the two Nations. —
Yours as ever
B. FRANKLIN.
1537. TO CHARLES THOMSON1
Passy, October 16, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
It was intended by the Commissioners to write a joint
letter to Congress, but I am afraid the opportunity may be
missed. This may serve to inform you, that propositions
of treating have been made by us to all the powers of Europe
according to our instructions, and we are waiting for their
answers. There are apprehensions here of a war between
the Emperor and Holland; but, as the season is not proper
for opening a campaign, I hope the winter will give time for
mediators to accommodate matters. We have not yet heard
that Mr. Jay has accepted the secretaryship of foreign affairs.
I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 From " Diplomatic Revolutionary Correspondence " (Sparks), Vol. II,
p. 518. —ED.
1784] TO W. T. FRANKLIN 277
1538. TO W. T. FRANKLIN (A. p. s.)
Passy, Oct. 18. 1784.
MY DEAR CHILD,
I received yours of the 5th (just after I had sent away
mine of the 2nd). It inclosed one from the good Bishop to
you. I have since receiv'd yours of the 12th. I am glad to
hear that Mr' Hewson resolves to come. My Love to her
and her Children. I consent to your Staying till the End of
the Month, on Condition however of your making a Visit to
Chilbolton and bringing me Word of the Welfare of that dear
Family.1 M. le Veillard mends, but slowly. Our other
Friends are well. We have had a Visit from the Count
d'Oeills. My Love to Mr & M" Sargent, &c. — I have
lately seen in the English Papers an Advertisement of Cast
Iron Tiles for Covering Houses. I wish you would bring me
one as a Sample with the Price, which if I like I shall take
enough to cover my House at Philadelphia, and may intro-
duce the Use of them there. Your last is the 7th that I have
receiv'd from you of the 10 you mention to have written.
I am very well at present but have had some bad Turns lately.
I am ever
Your affectionate Grandfather
B. FRANKLIN.
I am charg'd by several of our
Friends to say mille choses, to you for them.
1 Chilbolton was the home of Jonathan Shipley, "the good Bishop" of St
Asaph. — ED.
278 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
1539. TO CHARLES THOMSON (D. s. w.)
Passy, November n, 1784.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind Letter of August 13 with the papers
annexed, relative to the affair of Longchamps. I hope Sat-
isfaction will be given to M. Marbois. The Commissioners
have written a joint Letter to Congress. This serves to cover
a few papers relative to matters with which I was particularly
charged in the Instructions. I shall write to you fully by
the next Opportunity, having now only time to add, that I
am, as ever, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. I executed the Instructions of October 29, 1783, as
soon as I knew the Commissions for treating with the Emperor,
&c. were issued, which was not till July, 1784. The three
Letters between the Emperor's Minister and me are what
passed on that Occasion.
1540. TO RICHARD BACHE (B. M.)
Passy, Nov. n. 1784
I RECEIVED your Letters of the 28th of August, and loth of
September, with the newspapers by M. Sailly, but they were
very incompleat and broken Sets, many being omitted per-
haps the most material, which is disagreable to me who wish
to be well inform'd of what is doing among you. I was glad
to receive the good Account B & S have given of their
good Treatment of those trifling Correspondents. Your
1784] TO MESSRS. WITAL AND PAUCHE 279
Family having pass'd well thro' the Summer gives me great
pleasure. I still hope to see them before I die. Benny con-
tinues well, and grows amazingly. He is a very sensible and
a very good Lad, and I love him much. I had Thoughts of
bringing him up under his Cousin, and fitting him for Public
Business, thinking he might be of Service hereafter to his
Country ; but being now convinc'd that Service is no Inher-
itance, as the Proverb says, I have determin'd to give him a
Trade that he may have something to depend on, and not be
oblig'd to ask Favours or Offices of anybody. And I flatter
myself he will make his way good in the World with God's
Blessing. He has already begun to learn the business from
Masters who come to my House,1 and is very diligent in work-
ing and quick in learning. He will write by this Opportunity.
I can say nothing certain with respect to my Return at
present. In the Spring I may see clearer. My Malady tho'
it does not permit my using a Carriage, is otherwise tolerable.
I enjoy the Company of my Friends, and pass my time as
well as can be expected for an Exile. My love to Sally and
the Children, from Your Affectionate Father
B. FRANKLIN.
1541. TO MESSRS. WITAL AND PAUCHE * (A. p. s.)
GENTLEMEN Passy, Nov. 15. 1784
I have attentively considered your Project communicated
to me in yours of the 24th past, & of which you desire my
Opinion.
1 A printer and a letter-founder. — F.
2 Booksellers in Neufchatel. Their letter, dated October 24, 1784, is in
A. P. S. — ED.
280 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1784
I have some Doubts whether you will find your Bookselling
and Printing Business sufficiently profitable at first for the
Support of three Families, because the French Language in
which I suppose your Books chiefly are, is not yet much ex-
tended in North America. It is however since the Alliance
with France daily increasing, Schools being established in
all the great Towns for teaching it. But if you can add to
the Sale of Books the different Manufactures of your Coun-
try, and settle such Correspondences before you leave it as
may keep you constantly supply'd with them, it is possible
the Gains may be very considerable.
I inclose a little Pamphlet which will give you some
Information respecting our Country, and if I can be of any
Service to you there it will be a Pleasure to,
Gentlemen,
Your &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1542. TO DR. BRAV1 (A. p. s.)
k Passy ce 22 Nov.™ '84.
JE suis trop Stranger, Monsieur, a toute dispute sur le
Mesme*risme pour consentir que mon nom paroisse ni directe-
1 In answer to the following letter : —
Paris, le 21 Novembre 1784.
Vous prevoiez, Monsieur, que je vais non pas vous engager a la vengeance
(elle est au-dessous de vous) mais a me permettre de faire connaltre sous vos
auspices 1'orateur Mesmerien, en disant au public ebranle par moi, mais desa-
buse par vous a peu pres ce qui sait :
" Puisque Mesmer ne se donne pas la peine d'ecrire lui meme ses sottises,
le sage Bostonien a le m8me droit, avec cette difference que Mesmer paye
tres cher 1'encre et qu'on la donne cette encore a M'.. Franklin sans interet sans
1784] TO THOMAS JEFFERSON 281
ment ni indirectement ailleurs que dans le Rapport des Com-
missaires au nombre desquels la Majeste* m'avoit nomme'.
J'ai Thonneur d'etre, Monsieur,
Votre tres humble et tres
ob£issant serviteur
B. FRANKLIN.
1543. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON (A. p. s.)
Passy, Nov. 23, 1784.
DEAR SIR,
These People are so accustomed to see every thing done
by solicitation of Interest, or what they call Protection, and
nothing without it, that they hardly conceive it possible to
obtain the Payment even of a just Debt, but by means of
Persons whom they suppose to have Influence enough to
support and enforce their Pretensions. We should naturally
suppose, that the proper time for asking such Aid would be
after a regular Demand, and a Refusal of Justice ; but they
run about to everybody with their Memorials, before they
have even presented their Account to those whom they con-
sider as their Debtors. Thus the Creditors, not only of a
State in America, but even of private Merchants, teize the
Ministers of this Country, as well as those of America here,
with their Petitions and Cases, requesting Assistance and
espoir de salaire, d'aussi bon coeur que Pestime et la veneration dont il est si
digne."
(signed) Brav
Etud-Med*
Chez M. Joliot, Medecin, rue des
Lions S4.. Paul a Paris. — ED.
282 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1784
Interest to procure attention to their Affairs, when it does not
appear that their Claims have been refused, or even made
where they ought to be made.
I beg leave to refer to you the enclosed Papers, and to
request, that, if you are acquainted with the Affair, and can
give any comfortable Expectation or Counsel to the poor
Man, you would be so good as to furnish me with it, that I
may communicate it to him in my Answer. With great and
sincere Esteem, I am, Sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1544. TO
1784.
I AM glad to hear that your family are safely arrived in
London, and that you propose to bring them here with you.
Your life will be more comfortable.
I thank you much for the translation of the Abbe* de Mably's
letters. The French edition is not yet published here. I
have as yet only had time to run over the translator's preface,
which seems well written. I imagine Mr. Snowden to be a
Presbyterian minister, as I formerly corresponded with one
of that name in Holland, who, I suppose, might be his father.
I have not seen the piece you mention of a Berlin academician.
I should not object to his enjoyment of the discovery he has
made, that despotism in the best possible form of govern-
ment, by his living under it as long as he pleases. For I ad-
mire the decision of his prince in a similar case of a dispute
among his clergy concerning the duration of hell torments.
With great respect, I have the honour to be, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1784] TO SAMUEL JACKSON PRATT 283
1545. TO SAMUEL JACKSON PRATT1
Passy [no date, circa 1784].
SIR : — I should have been flattered exceedingly by Mrs.
Melmoth's showing the least inclination for one of those
portraits,* when Mrs. Izard accepted the other, and should
have presented it to her with the greatest pleasure. She did
not appear to desire it, and I did not presume it of value enough
to be offered. Her quarrel with me on that account is pleas-
ing. The reconciliation, when I can obtain it, will be more
so. At present another lady has put it out of my power to
comply with the terms. M. de Chaumont, at whose pottery
in the country they were made, receiving a request from
Petersburg for one of them, to gratify the curiosity of the
Empress, and having none in town, he got from me the only
one I had left, and has sent it away. But I am promised
another soon, and shall seize the first moment of making my
peace with it. In the meantime, I hope you will intercede
for me, in that heart where I am sure you have interest. Ac-
cept my thanks for the books, from the reading of which I
promise myself a good deal of pleasure. Please to accept
also the trifle inclosed, and believe me with most sincere
esteem, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 From "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin " (Bigelow), Vol. IX,
p. 72. Samuel Jackson Pratt (1749-1814) was a book writer whose hireling
pen seems to have been of some service to Franklin. He wrote under the
pen name of Courtney Melmoth. — ED.
* By NinL — ED.
284 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1546. TO DAVID HARTLEY1
Passy, January 3, 1785.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind letter of December ist, from Bath.
I am glad to hear that your good sister is in a fair way towards
recovery; my respects and best wishes attend her.
I communicated your letter to Mr. Jefferson, to remind
him of his promise to communicate to you the intelligence
he might receive from America on the subjects you mention ;
and now, having got back, I shall endeavour to answer the
other parts of it.
What you propose to draw up of your opinions on Ameri-
can negociation, may be of great use, if laid, as you intend,
before administration, in case they seriously intend to enter
on it after the meeting of Parliament ; for I know your ideas
all tend to a good understanding between the two countries
and their common advantage ; and in my mind, too, all self-
ish projects of partial profit are the effects of short-sighted-
ness, they never producing permanent benefits, and are at
length the causes of discord and its consequences, wherein
much more is spent than all the temporary gains amounted to.
I do not know that any one is yet appointed by your court
to treat with us. We some time since acquainted your min-
ister with our powers and disposition to treat, which he
communicated to his court, and received for answer, that his
Majesty's ministers were ready to receive any propositions we
might have to make for the common benefit of both coun-
1 From " The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin," 1818, Vol. II,
p. 423. — ED.
1785] TO DAVID HARTLEY 285
tries, but they thought it more for the honour of both, that
the treaty should not be in a third place. We answered,
that, though we did not see much inconvenience in treating
here, we would, as soon as we had finished some affairs
at present on our hands, wait upon them, if they pleased,
in London. We have since heard nothing.
We have no late accounts from America of any importance.
You know the Congress adjourned the beginning of June
till the beginning of November. And since their meeting
there has been no account of their proceedings. All the
stories in your papers relating to their divisions are fiction as
well as those of the people being discontented with Congres-
sional government. Mr. Jay writes to me, that they were at
no time more happy or more satisfied with their government,
than at present, nor ever enjoyed more tranquillity or pros-
perity. In truth, the freedom of their ports to all nations has
brought in a vast plenty of foreign goods, and occasioned a
demand for their produce, the consequence of which is the
double advantage of buying what they consume cheap, and
selling what they can spare dear.
If we should come to London, I hope it may still be with you
that we are to do business. Our already understanding one
another may save, on many points, a good deal of time in dis-
cussion. But I doubt whether any treaty is intended on your
part, and I fancy we shall not press it. It may perhaps be best
to give both sides time to inquire, and to jeel for the interests
they cannot see. With sincere and great esteem, I am ever,
my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
286 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1547. TO RICHARD PRICE1 (M. H. s.)
Passy, Feb. i, 1785.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — I received duly your kind letter of
Oct. 2 1,2 and another before with some of your excellent pam-
phlets of Advice to the United States. My last letters from
America inform me that every thing goes on well there,
that the new elected Congress is met, and consists of very
respectable characters with excellent dispositions; and the
people in general very happy under their new governments.
The last year has been a prosperous one for the country;
the crops plentiful and sold at high prices for exportation,
while all imported goods, from the great plenty, sold low.
This is the happy consequence of our commerce being open
to all the world, and no longer a monopoly to Britain. Your
papers are full of our divisions and distresses, which have
no existence but in the imagination and wishes of English
newswriters and their employers.
I sent you sometime since a little piece intitled, Testament
de M. Fortune* Ricard,8 which exemplifies strongly and
pleasantly your doctrine of the immense powers of compound
interest. I hope you received it. If not, I will send you
another. I send herewith a new work of Mr Necker's on the
Finances of France. You will find good things in it, particu-
larly his chapter on War. I imagine Abbe Morellet may
have sent a copy to Lord Lansdowne. If not, please to com-
municate it. I think I sent you formerly his Conte rendu.
1 The original in the possession of Walter Ashburton in England. — ED.
2 In A.P.S.— ED.
8 By Mathon de la Cour. See letter to Vaughan, April 21, 1785. — ED.
1785] TO JOHN JAY 287
This work makes more talk here than that, tho' that made
abundance. I will not say that the writer thinks higher of
himself and his abilities than they deserve, but I wish for his
own sake that he had kept such sentiments more out of sight.
With unalterable esteem and respect, I am ever, my dear
Friend,
Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1548. TO JOHN JAY (L.C.)
Passy, Feb. 8, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
I received by the Marquis de la Fayette your kind Letter
of the 1 3th of December. It gave me Pleasure on two Ac-
counts ; as it inf orm'd me of the public Welfare, and that of
your, I may almost say our dear little Family; for, since I
had the Pleasure of their being with me in the same House,
I have ever felt a tender Affection for them, equal I believe
to that of most Fathers.
I did hope to have heard by the last Packet of your having
accepted the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs, but was dis-
appointed. I write to you now, therefore, only as a private
Friend; yet I may mention respecting Public Affairs, that,
as far as I can perceive, the good Disposition of this Court
towards us continues. I wish I could say as much for the
rest of the European Courts. I think that their desire of being
connected with us by Treaties is of late much abated ; and this
I suppose occasioned by the Pains Britain takes to represent
us everywhere as distracted with Divisions, discontented with
our Governments, the People unwilling to pay Taxes, the
288 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Congress unable to collect them, and many desiring the Res-
toration of the old Government, etc. The English Papers
are full of this Stuff, and their Ministers get it copied into the
foreign Papers. The moving about of the Congress from
Place to Place has also a bad Effect, in giving Colour to the
Reports of their being afraid of the People. I hope they will
soon settle somewhere, and, by the Steadiness and Wisdom
of their Measures, dissipate all those Mists of Misrepresenta-
tion raised by the remaining Malice of ancient Enemies,
and establish our Reputation for national Justice and Pru-
dence as they have done for Courage and Perseverance.
It grieves me that we have not been able to discharge our
first Year's Payment of Interest to this Court, due the begin-
ning of last Month. I hope it will be the only failure, and
that effectual Measures will be taken to be exactly punctual
hereafter. The good Paymaster, says the Proverb, is Lord
o) another man's Purse. The bad one, if he ever has again
Occasion to borrow, must pay dearly for his Carelessness
and Injustice.
You are happy in having got back safe to your Country.
I should be less unhappy, if I could imagine the Delay of
my Conge useful to the States, or in the least degree necessary.
But they have many equally capable of doing all I have to
do here. The new propos'd Treaties are the most impor-
tant Things ; but two can go thro' with them as well as three,
if indeed any are likely to be compleated, which I begin to
doubt, since the new ones make little Progress, and the old
ones, which wanted only the Fiat of Congress, seem now to
be going rather backward; I mean those I had projected
with Denmark and Portugal.
My Grandsons are sensible of the honour of your remem-
1785] TO RICHARD HENRY LEE 289
brance, and present their Respects to you and Mrs. Jay. I
add my best wishes of Health and Happiness to you all,
being with sincere Esteem and Affection, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
B. FRANKLIN.
1549. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE1
Passy, February 8, 1785.
SIR,
I received by the Marquis de Lafayette the two letters
you did me the honour of writing to me the nth and i4th
of December; the one enclosing a letter from Congress to
the King, the other a resolve of Congress respecting the con-
vention for establishing consuls. The letter was immediately
delivered and well received. The resolve came too late to
suspend signing the convention, it having been done July
last, and a copy sent so long since, that we now expected the
ratification. As that copy seems to have miscarried I now
send another.
I am not informed what objection has arisen in Congress
to the plan sent me. Mr. Jefferson thinks it may have been
to the part which restrained the consuls from all concern in
commerce. That article was omitted, being thought unneces-
sary to be stipulated, since either party would always have
the power of imposing such restraints on its own officers,
whenever it should think fit. I am, however, of opinion that
this or any other reasonable article or alteration may be ob-
tained at the desire of Congress, and established by a supple-
ment.
1 President of Congress. — ED.
VOL. IX — u
290 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Permit me, Sir, to congratulate you on your being called
to the high honour of presiding in our national councils,
and to wish you every felicity, being with the most perfect
esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
\
1550. TO COMTE DE WINDISCH-GRATZ (A. p. s.)
Passy, le 22 FevF 1785
PAI recu Monsieur, la Lettre infine*ment bonne" te dont
vous m'avez honore le 9 de ce Mois, et Je ne puis qu' approu-
ver PEcrit qui y etait joint : il ne pouvra manquer d'etre
utile. Je m'empresserai de faire passer en Amerique suivant
votre Desir les Exemplaires que vous m'annoncez des qu'ils
me seront parvenus, car jusqu'a present je n'ai recu que
celui qui etait joint a votre Lettre, et pour le quil je vous prie
de recevois mes sinceres Remerciements.
J'ai Fhonneur d'etre avec une respectueuse Consideration,
M. . . . votre
[B. FRANKLIN.]
1551. TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1
Passy, March 5, 1785
DEAR FRIEND : — I received your kind letter by my
grandson. I thank you for the civilities you showed him
when in London.
I hope to get home this ensuing summer. I shall have an
iFrom "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin" (Bigelow), Vol. IX,
p. 79. — ED.
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 291
old account to settle then with the family of our friend Hall.
There is a particular article of some importance, about which
we were not agreed, but were to be determined by your opin-
ion. It was the value of a copyright in an established news-
paper, of each of which from eight to ten thousand were
printed. My long absence from that country, and immense
employment the little time I was there, have hitherto pre-
vented the settlement of all the accounts that had been be-
tween us; though we never differed about them, and never
should if that good honest man had continued in being. To
prevent all dispute on the above points with his son, it is
that I now request your decision, which I doubt not will be
satisfactory to us both. With unchangeable esteem, I am
ever, my dear friend,
Yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
My respects to Mrs. Strahan.
1552. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN (L. c.)
ON THE CRIMINAL LAWS AND THE PRACTICE OF PRIVA-
TEERING
Passy, March 14, 1785.
MY DEAR FRIEND,
Among the Pamphlets you lately sent me was one intitled
1 "The following paper was written in the form of a letter to Mr. Benjamin
Vaughan, and dated at Passy, March I4th, 1785. It first appeared anony-
mously in a small volume published by Sir Samuel Romilly, in the year 1 786,
being OBSERVATIONS on a treatise by Dr. Madan, entitled Thoughts on
Executive Justice. The letter contains remarks on the same publication.
It was communicated by Mr. Vaughan to Sir Samuel Romilly, who printed it
292 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
"Thoughts on Executive Justice."1 In return for that, I
send you a French one on the same Subject, Observations
conccrnant V Execution de V Article II. de la Declaration sur
le Vol. They are both address'd to the Judges, but written,
as you will see, in a very different Spirit. The English Author
is for hanging all Thieves. The Frenchman is for propor-
tioning Punishments to Offences.
If we really believe, as we profess to believe, that the Law
of Moses was the Law of God, the Dictate of divine Wisdom,
infinitely superior to human; on what Principles do we or-
dain Death as the Punishment of an Offence, which, accord-
ing to that Law, was only to be punish'd by a Restitution of
Fourfold? To put a man to Death for an Offence which
does not deserve Death, is it not Murder? And, as the
French Writer says, Doit-on punir un delit contre la societe
par un crime contre la nature?2
at the end of his OBSERVATIONS, under the title of A Letter from a Gentle-
man abroad to his Friend in England, and prefixed to it an explanatory
advertisement.
" ' The writer of the foregoing Observations? says he, ' having been favoured
with a copy of the following letter by a friend of his, to whom it was ad-
dressed, thought he should render a very acceptable service to the public by
printing it. At the same time he cannot but feel it incumbent on him to
make some apology for publishing it in the form of an Appendix to a work,
which it very far surpasses in every kind of merit. The truth is, he was not
at liberty to print it any other manner. The simplicity of style and liberality
of thought, which distinguish it, cannot fail of discovering its venerable author
to such as are already acquainted with his valuable writings. To those, who
have not that good fortune, the editor is not permitted to say more, than that it
is the production of one of the best and most eminent men of the present age.'
" This testimony is valuable from such a man as Sir Samuel Romilly. And
indeed the letter may well be classed among the best of the author's writings,
whether regarded as to the vigor and clearness of the style, the benign spirit
it breathes, or its bold defence of the rights of humanity and justice." — S.
1 See letter to Le Veillard, April 15, 1787. — ED.
2 " Ought an offence against society to be punished by a crime against
nature? "
1785] TO BENJAMIN V A UGH AN 293
Superfluous Property is the Creature of Society. Simple
and mild Laws were sufficient to guard the Property that was
merely necessary. The Savage's Bow, his Hatchet, and his
Coat of Skins, were sufficiently secured, without Law, by the
Fear of personal Resentment and Retaliation. When, by
virtue of the first Laws, Part of the Society accumulated
Wealth and grew powerful, they enacted others more severe,
and would protect their Property at the Expence of Hu-
manity. This was abusing their Power, and commencing a
Tyranny. If a Savage, before he enter'd into Society, had
been told, "Your Neighbour by this Means may become
Owner of 100 deer; but if your Brother, or your Son, or your-
self, having no Deer of your own, and being hungry, should
kill one, an infamous Death must be the consequence;" he
would probably have preferr'd his Liberty, and his common
Right of killing any Deer, to all the Advantages of Society
that might be propos'd to him.
That it is better 100 guilty Persons should escape than that
one innocent Person should suffer, is a Maxim that has been
long and generally approved ; never, that I know of, contro-
verted. Even the sanguinary Author of the "Thoughts"
agrees to it, Page 163, adding well, " that the very Thought of
injured Innocence, and much more that of suffering Innocence,
must awaken all our tenderest and most compassionate
Feelings, and at the same time raise our highest Indignation
against the Instruments of it. But," he adds, " there is no
danger of either, from a strict Adherence to the Laws."
Really! Is it then impossible to make an unjust Law?
and if the Law itself be unjust, may it not be the very
"Instrument" which ought to "raise the Author's and every-
body's highest Indignation"? I see, in the last News-
294 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
paper from London, that a Woman is capitally convicted at
the Old Bailey, for privately stealing out of a Shop some
Gauze, value 14 Shillings and threepence; is there any
Proportion between the Injury done by a Theft, value 14/3,
and the Punishment of a human Creature, by Death, on a
Gibbet? Might not that Woman, by her Labour, have
made the Reparation ordain'd by God, in paying fourfold?
Is not all Punishment inflicted beyond the Merit of the
Offence, so much Punishment of Innocence? In this light,
how vast is the annual Quantity of not only injured, but
suffering Innocence, in almost all the civilized states of
Europe !
But it seems to have been thought, that this kind of Inno-
cence may be punished by way of preventing Crimes. I have
read, indeed, of a cruel Turk in Barbary, who, whenever he
bought a new Christian Slave, ordered him immediately to
be hung up by the Legs, and to receive an 100 Blows of a
Cudgel on the Soles of his Feet, that the severe Sense of the
Punishment, and Fear of incurring it thereafter, might pre-
vent the Faults that should merit it. Our Author himself
would hardly approve entirely of this Turk's Conduct in the
Government of Slaves; and yet he appears to recommend
something like it for the government of English Subjects,
when he applauds the Reply of Judge Burnet to the convict
Horse-stealer, who, being ask'd what he had to say why
Judgment of Death should not pass against him, and
answering, that it was hard to hang a Man for only stealing a
Horse, was told by the judge, " Man, thou art not to be hang'd
only for stealing, but that Horses may not be stolen."
The man's Answer, if candidly examined, will I imagine
appear reasonable, as founded on the Eternal Principle of
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 295
Justice and Equity, that Punishments should be proportioned
to Offences ; and the judge's Reply brutal and unreasonable,
tho' the Writer " wishes all Judges to carry it with them when-
ever they go the Circuit, and to bear it in their Minds as con-
taining a wise Reason for all the penal Statutes, which they
are called upon to put in Execution. It at once illustrates,"
says he, " the true Grounds and Reasons of all capital Pun-
ishments whatsoever, namely, that every man's Property, as
well as his Life, may be held sacred and inviolate." Is there
then no difference in Value between Property and Life ? If I
think it right, that the Crime of Murder should be punished
with Death, not only as an equal Punishment of the Crime,
but to prevent other Murders, does it follow that I must
approve of inflicting the same Punishment for a little In-
vasion on my Property by Theft ? If I am not myself so bar-
barous, so bloody-minded and revengeful, as to kill a Fellow-
Creature for stealing from me 14/3, how can I approve of a
Law that does it? Montesquieu, who was himself a Judge,
endeavours to impress other Maxims. He must have known
what humane Judges feel on such occasions, and what the
Effect of those Feelings; and, so far from thinking that
severe and excessive Punishments prevent Crimes, he asserts,
as quoted by our French Writer, that
Uatrocite des loix en empeche V execution.
Lorsque la peine est sans mesure, on est sowvent oblige de
lui prejerer Vimpunite.
La cause de tous les reldchemens vient de Vimpunite des
crimes, et non de la moderation des peines.
It is said by those who know Europe generally, that there
are more Thefts committed and punish'd annually in England,
than in all the other Nations put together. If this be so,
296 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
there must be a Cause or Causes for such Depravity in your
common People. May not one be the Deficiency of Justice
and Morality in our national Government, manifested in our
oppressive Conduct to Subjects, and unjust wars on our
Neighbours? View the long-persisted in, unjust monopo-
lizing Treatment of Ireland at length acknowledged ! View
the plundering Government exercis'd by your Merchants in
the Indies; the confiscating War made upon the American
Colonies; and, to say nothing of those upon France and
Spain, view the late War upon Holland, which was seen by
impartial Europe in no other Light than that of a War of
Rapine and Pillage; the Hopes of an immense and easy
Prey being its only apparent, and probably its true and real
Motive and Encouragement.
Justice is as strictly due between neighbour Nations as
between neighbour Citizens. A Highwayman is as much a
Robber when he plunders in a Gang, as when single ; and a
Nation that makes an unjust War, is only a great Gang.
After employing your People in robbing the Dutch, is it strange,
that, being put out of that Employ by the Peace, they should
still continue robbing, and rob one another ? Piraterie, as the
French call it, or Privateering, is the universal Bent of the
English Nation, at home and abroad, wherever settled. No
less than 700 Privateers were, it is said, commissioned in the
last War ! These were fitted out by Merchants, to prey upon
other Merchants, who had never done them any Injury. Is
there probably any one of those privateering Merchants of
London, who were so ready to rob the Merchants of Amster-
dam, that would not readily plunder another London Mer-
chant of the next Street, if he could do it with impunity?
The Avidity, the alieni appetens, is the same; it is the Fear
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 297
alone of the Gallows that makes the difference. How then
can a Nation, which, amorg the honestest of its People, has so
many Thieves by Inclination, and whose Government en-
couraged and commissioned no less than 700 Gangs of Rob-
bers ; how can such a Nation have the Face to condemn the
Crime in Individuals, and hang up 20 of them in a Morning?
It naturally puts one hi mind of a Newgate Anecdote. One
of the Prisoners complain'd, that in the Night somebody had
taken his Buckles out of his Shoes; ''What, the Devil !" says
another, "have we then Thieves among us? It must not be
suffered; let us search out the Rogue, and pump him to
death."
There is, however, one late Instance of an English Mer-
chant who will not profit by such ill-gotten Gains. He was,
it seems, part Owner of a Ship, which the other Owners
thought fit to employ as a Letter of Marque, and which took
a Number of French Prizes. The Booty being shar'd, he
has now an Agent here enquiring, by an Advertisement in
the Gazette, for those who suffer'd the Loss, in order to make
them, as far as in him lies, Restitution. This conscientious
Man is a Quaker. The Scotch Presbyterians were formerly as
tender; for there is still extant an Ordinance of the Town-
Council of Edinburgh, made soon after the Reformation,
" forbidding the purchase of Prize Goods, under Pain of losing
the Freedom of the Burgh for ever, with other Punishment at
the Will of the Magistrate; the Practice of making Prizes
being contrary to good Conscience, and the rule of treating
Christian Brethren as we would wish to be treated ; and such
Goods are not to be sold by any godly Men within this Burgh"
The Race of these godly Men in Scotland is probably extinct,
or their Principles abandoned ; since, as far as that Nation had
298 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
a Hand in promoting the War against the Colonies, Prizes and
Confiscations are believ'd to have teen a considerable Motive.
It has been for some time a generally receiv'd Opinion,
that a military Man is not to enquire whether a War be just
or unjust; he is to execute his Orders. All Princes who are
disposed to become Tyrants must probably approve of this
Opinion, and be willing to establish it; but is it not a dan-
gerous one ? since, on that Principle, if the Tyrant commands
his Army to attack and destroy, not only an unoffending
Neighbour nation, but even his own Subjects, the Army is
bound to obey. A negro Slave, in our Colonies, being com-
manded by his Master to rob or murder a Neighbour, or do
any other immoral Act, may refuse, and the Magistrate will
protect him in his Refusal. The Slavery then of a Soldier is
worse than that of a Negro ! A conscientious Officer, if not
restrain'd by the Apprehension of its being imputed to another
Cause, may indeed resign, rather than be employ'd in an
unjust War; but the private Men are Slaves for Life; and
they are perhaps incapable of judging for themselves. We
can only lament their Fate, and still more that of a Sailor,
who is often dragg'd by Force from his honest Occupation,
and compelled to imbrue his Hands in, perhaps, innocent
Blood.
But methinks it well behoves Merchants (Men more
enlight'ned by their Education, and perfectly free from any
such Force or Obligation,) to consider well of the justice of a
War, before they voluntarily engage a Gang of Ruffians to
attack their Fellow Merchants of a neighbouring Nation,
to plunder them of their Property, and perhaps ruin them and
their Families, if they yield it ; or to wound, maim, or mur-
der them, if they endeavour to defend it. Yet these Things
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 299
are done by Christian Merchants, whether a War be just or
unjust; and it can hardly be just on both sides. They are
done by English and American Merchants, who, neverthe-
less, complain of private Thefts, and hang by Dozens the
Thieves they have taught by their own Example.
It is high time, for the sake of Humanity, that a Stop be
put to this Enormity. The United States of America, tho'
better situated than any European Nation to make profit by
Privateering (most of the Trade of Europe, with the West
Indies, passing before their doors), are, as far as in them lies,
endeavouring to abolish the Practice, by offering, in all their
Treaties with other Powers, an Article, engaging solemnly,
that, in Case of future War, no Privateer shall be commis-
sion'd on either Side; and that unarm'd Merchant-ships, on
both sides, shall pursue their Voyages unmolested.1 This
will be a happy Improvement of the Law of Nations. The
Humane and the Just cannot but wish general Success to the
Proposition. With unchangeable Esteem and Affection,
I am my dear Friend ever yours,
B. FRANKLIN.
1 This offer having been accepted by the late King of Prussia, a treaty of
amity and commerce was concluded between that monarch and the United
States, containing the following humane, philanthropic article; in the forma-
tion of which Dr. Franklin, as one of the American plenipotentiaries, was
principally concerned, viz.
ART. XXIII.
" If war should arise between the two contracting parties, the merchants
of either country, then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine
months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely,
carrying off all their effects without molestation or hindrance; and all women
and children, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, artisans, manu-
facturers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages,
or places, and in general all others, whose occupations are for the common
subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respec-
tive employments, and shall not be molested in their persons, nor shall their
3oo THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1553. TO RICHARD PRICE (L. c.)
Passy, March 18, 1785.
DEAR FRIEND,
My nephew, Mr. Williams, will have the honour of deliv-
ering you this line. It is to request from you a List of a few
good Books, to the Value of about Twenty-five Pounds, such
as are most proper to inculcate Principles of sound Religion
and just Government. A New Town in the State of Massa-
chusetts having done me the honour of naming itself after me,
and proposing to build a Steeple to their meeting-house if I
would give them a Bell, I have advis'd the sparing themselves
the Expence of a Steeple, for the present, and that they would
accept of Books instead of a Bell, Sense being preferable to
Sound. These are therefore intended as the Commence-
ment of a little Parochial Library for the Use of a Society of
intelligent, respectable Farmers, such as our Country People
generally consist of. Besides your own Works, I would only
mention, on the Recommendation of my sister, "Stennet's
Discourses on Personal Religion" which may be one Book of
the Number, if you know and approve of it.1
houses and goods be burnt, or otherwise destroyed, nor their fields wasted, by
the armed force of the enemy into whose power, by the events of war, they
may happen to fall ; but, if any thing is necessary to be taken from them for
the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price.
And all merchants and trading vessels employed in exchanging the products
of different places, and thereby rendering the necessaries, conveniences, and
comforts of human life more easy to be obtained, and more general, shall be
allowed to pass free and unmolested; and neither of the contracting powers
shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels, empowering
them to take or destroy such trading vessels, or interrupt such commerce." —
\V. T. F.
1 Dr. Price complied with this request in a letter dated June 3d, 1785.
The books were procured and forwarded to the town of Franklin. The
1785] TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL 301
With the highest Esteem and Respect, I am ever, my dear
Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1554. TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL (A. p. s.)
Passy, March 22, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
I received duly your Letter of the 27th past, which gave
me great Pleasure, as the length of time since I had heard
from you made me apprehensive that you might be ill. I
immediately communicated the Papers inclosed with it to
my Colleagues, Messrs. Adams and Jefferson, and we have
had several Meetings on the Barbary Affair. Probably by
next Week's Post we may write fully upon it to you, and to
Morocco.
I am glad you are likely to succeed in obtaining the Liberty
of our silly Countryman.1 The Discipline they have given
Reverend Nathaniel Emmons, clergyman of the parish for which the library
was designed, preached a sermon, in commemoration of this bounty, entitled,
"The Dignity of Man ; a Discourse addressed to the Congregation in Franklin
upon the Occasion of their receiving from Dr. Franklin the Mark of his Re-
spect in a rich Donation of Books, appropriated to the Use of a Parish
Library" It was printed in the year 1787, and the following dedication
was prefixed to it. "To his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, President of the
State of Pennsylvania; the Ornament of Genius, the Patron of Science, and
the Boast of Man; this Discourse is inscribed, with the greatest Deference,
Humility, and Gratitude, by his obliged and most humble Servant, the
Author." The words chosen by the preacher for his text were from the im-
pressive charge of David to Solomon; " Show thyself a A/an" He enlarged
upon the importance of intellectual and moral culture, pointing out the means,
and enforcing the use of them by persuasive arguments. He referred his
hearers to the example of Franklin, as affording a pertinent illustration of the
text, and encouragement to the hopes of all, who would employ their powers
for the attainment of high and useful objects. — S.
1 See letter to Carmichael, October 11,1784, and letter to Jonathan
Williams, April 13, 1785. — ED.
302 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
him is, however, not misapply'd. Mr. Grand being now
in Cash, your bills on him for your Salary will be duly hon-
our'd. I mention your drawing on him, because probably
I may not be here, as I expect daily the Permission of Con-
gress to return home, and shall embrace the first Opportunity.
Wherever I am, be assured of the invariable Esteem and
Attachment of, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble
Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1555. TO RICHARD HENRY LEE1
Passy, April 12, 1785.
SIR,
M. de Chaumont, who will have the honour of presenting
this line to your Excellency, is a young gentleman of excellent
character, whose father was one of our most early friends in
this country, which he manifested by crediting us with a thou-
sand barrels of gunpowder and other military stores in 1776,
before we had provided any apparent means of payment. He
has, as I understand, some demands to make on Congress,
the nature of which I am unacquainted with ; but my regard
for the family makes me wish, that they may obtain a speedy
consideration, and such favourable issue as they may appear
to merit.
To this end, I beg leave to recommend him to your coun-
tenance and protection, and am, with great respect, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
&»•>•- .••• i ,.
1 President of Congress. — ED.
1785] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 303
1556. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1 (L. c.)
Passy, April 13, 1785
DEAR COUSIN : — I received your letter of December i6th,
relating to Jonas Hartwell. I had before written to our
minister at Madrid, Mr. Carmichael, requesting him to apply
for the release of that man. Enclosed I send his answer,
with copies of other papers relating to the affair. The sim-
pleton will be discharged, perhaps after being a little whipped
for his folly, and that may not be amiss. We have here
another New England man, Thayer,2 formerly a candidate
for the ministry, who converted himself lately at Rome, and
is now preparing a return home for the purpose of converting
his countrymen. Our ancestors from Catholic became first
Church-of- England men, and then refined into Presbyterians.
To change now from Presbyterianism to Popery seems to me
refining backwards, from white sugar to brown.
I have written to Dr. Price, of London, requesting him to
make a choice of proper books to commence a library for
the use of the inhabitants of Franklin. The parcel will be
sent directly from thence.
Jonathan and his family are well. He expects to be with
1 The original letter is in the Maine Historical Society. A letter press
copy with P. S. in pencil is in L. C. The letter is addressed to the Senior
Jonathan Williams of Boston, father of Jonathan Williams, agent at Nantes.
— ED.
2 John Thayer (1755 ?-i8i5), a Protestant clergyman of Boston who joined
the Roman Catholic Church in 1783. See "An Account of the Conversion
of the Rev. Mr. John Thayer, lately a Protestant Minister at Boston in North
America, who embraced the Roman Catholic Religion at Rome, on the 25th
of May, 1783, written by himself." This work was printed in London, re-
printed in America, and translated into French, Spanish, and Italian. — ED.
304 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
you soon. I continue very hearty and well, except my
malady of the stone, which, however, is hitherto very toler-
able. My love to cousin Grace, etc., and believe me ever
your affectionate uncle.
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. April 1 4th. — I send enclosed a bill drawn by
W. Vernon, junior, on his father, for 840 livres, which I
request you would receive and deliver to my sister Mecom.
; ::•.;•.'..:- ;i, \\y .
1557. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN (L. c.)
Passy, April 21, 1785.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received your kind letter of the 23d past, by Mr. Perry,1
with the other bottle of Blackrie.2 I thank you much for
your care in sending them. I should have been glad to be
of any use to Mr. Perry; but he had placed his children
before I saw him, and he stayed with me only a few minutes.
We see much in parliamentary proceedings, and in papers
and pamphlets, of the injury the concessions to Ireland will
do to the manufacturers of England, while the people of
England seem to be forgotten, as if quite out of the question.
If the Irish can manufacture cottons, and stuffs, and silks,
and linens, and cutlery, and toys, and books, &c. &c. &c.,
1 This letter is in A. P. S. Mr. Perry was a shipbuilder who, according to
Benjamin Vaughan, possessed " the largest private ship-yard in England or
perhaps in the world, and has had the building of ships of the line sufficient
to form a division in a line of battle, beside forty gun ships & frigates, and
various East Indiamen &c." His business in Paris at this time was the plac-
ing of his two sons for a few months in France for their improvement. — ED.
2 Blackrie's Solvent, a remedy for the stone. — ED.
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 305
so as to sell them cheaper in England than the manufac-
turers of England sell them, is not this good for the people of
England, who are not manufacturers ? And will not even the
manufacturers themselves share the benefit ? Since if cottons
are cheaper, all the other manufacturers who wear cottons
will save in that article ; and so of the rest. If books can be
had much cheaper from Ireland, (which I believe, for I
bought Blackstone there for twenty-four shillings, when it
was sold in England at four guineas,) is not this an advantage,
not to English booksellers, indeed, but to English readers, and
to learning? And of all the complainants, perhaps these
booksellers are least worthy of consideration. The cata-
logue you last sent me amazes me by the high prices (said to
be the lowest) affixed to each article. And one can scarce
see a new book, without observing the excessive artifices made
use of to puff up a paper of verses into a pamphlet, a
pamphlet into an octavo, and an octavo into a quarto, with
scabboardings, white-lines, sparse titles of chapters, and
exorbitant margins, to such a degree, that the selling of paper
seems now the object, and printing on it only the pretence. I
enclose the copy of a page in a late comedy. Between every
two lines there is a white space equal to another line. You
have a law, I think, against butchers blowing of veal to make
it look fatter; why not one against booksellers' blowing of
books to make them look bigger. All this to yourself; you
can easily guess the reason.
My grandson is a little indisposed, but sends you two
pamphlets, Figaro, and Le Roy Voyageur. The first is a play
of Beaumarchais, which has had a great run here. The
other a representation of all the supposed errors of govern-
ment in this country, some of which are probably exag-
VOL. IX — X
306 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
gerated. It is not publicly sold; we shall send some more
shortly.
Please to remember me very respectfully and affectionately
to good Dr. Price. I am glad that he has printed a transla-
tion of the Testament,1 it may do good. I am ever, my
dear friend, yours most sincerely,
B. FRANKLIN.
Enclosed, in the foregoing Letter.
"SCENE IV.
Sir JOHN and WILDMORE.
Sir JOHN.
Whither so fast?
WILDMORE.
To the Opera.
Sir JOHN.
It is not the ?
WILDMORE.
Yes it is.
Sir JOHN.
Never on a Sunday.
WILDMORE.
Is this Sunday?
Sir JOHN.
Yes sure.
WILDMORE.
I remember nothing; I shall soon forget my Christian
name."
If this page was printed running on like Erasmus's Collo-
quies, it would not have made more than five lines.
1 See letter to Price, Feb. i, 1785. — ED.
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 307
1558. TO ANTOINE-ALEXIS-FRANfOIS CADET
DE VAUX1
Passy, April 28, 1785.
Bra : — I return your paper relating to mais,3 which I have
perused with pleasure. I am glad to learn that good beer
may be made of it, which is new to me. I send herewith
some observations on the use of that grain, of which you are
at liberty to make such as you may think proper. Your
Patisseur has done wonders ; I am delighted with his produc-
tions, and shall wish to take a quantity of them with me to
eat at sea.
With great esteem, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN.
1559. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ (L. c.)
Passy, April 29, 1785.
MY DEAR DEAR FRIEND,
I believe my last Letter to you was of May 16, 1 783.* I am
therefore much in your Debt as a Correspondent. I have now
before me all your Letters since received, and shall endeav-
our as well as I can to answer them. I confess that a Man,
who can leave so many Letters so long unanswer'd, does not
deserve so valuable a Correspondence as yours. But I am
1 Cadet De Vaux (1743-1828), a distinguished chemist. He founded the
Journal de Paris (1777). Printed from "The Complete Works of Benjamin
Franklin " (Bigelow), Vol. IX, p. 99. — ED.
8 Sent April 24, 1785, to Franklin (A. P. S.). The paper was intended for
publication in the Journal de Paris. — ED.
* See letter to Ingenhousz, January 16, 1784. — ED.
3o8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
grown very old, being now in my 8oth year ; I am engag'd in
much Business that must not be neglected. Writing becomes
more and more irksome to me ; I grow more indolent ; Philo-
sophic Discussions, not being urgent like Business, are post-
poned from time to time till they are forgotten. Besides, I
have been these 20 Months past afflicted with the Stone,
which is always giving me more or less Uneasiness, unless
when I am laid in Bed ; and, when I would write, it interrupts
my Train of Thinking, so that I lay down my Pen, and seek
some light Amusement.
I hope Mr. Weinbrenner's Agent succeeded in his Voyage
to America. Too much Goods have been sent there since
the Peace from all Parts of Europe which has overstock'd
the Market and made the Prices so low as to afford but little
Profit & sometimes none to the Adventurers. Time and
Experience will bring the Commerce into a more regular
Train.
I consent to your request concerning my Paper on the
Weathercock struck by Lightning. Dispose of it as you
please.
You will find an Ace* of the first great Stroke I received,
in pages 161, 162, of my Book, 5th Edition, 1774. The
second I will now give you. I had a Paralytick Patient in
my Chamber, whose Friends brought him to receive some
Electric Shocks. I made them join Hands so as to receive
the Shock at the same time, and I charg'd two large Jars to
give it. By the Number of those People, I was oblig'd to
quit my usual Standing, and plac'd myself inadvertently under
an Iron Hook which hung from the Cieling down to within
two Inches of my Head, and communicated by a Wire with
the outside of the Jars. I attempted to discharge them, and
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 309
in fact did so ; but I did not perceive it, tho' the charge went
thro' me, and not through the Persons I entended it for. I
neither saw the Flash, heard the Report, nor felt the Stroke.
When my Senses returned, I found myself on the Floor. I got
up, not knowing how that had happened. I then again
attempted to discharge the Jars; but one of the Company
told me they were already discharg'd, which I could not at
first believe, but on Trial found it true. They told me they
had not felt it, but they saw I was knock'd down by it,
which had greatly surprised them. On recollecting myself,
and examining my Situation, I found the Case clear. A
small swelling rose on the Top of my Head, which continued
sore for some Days ; but I do not remember any other Effect
good or bad.
The Stroke you received, and its Consequences, are much
more curious. I communicated that Part of your Letter to an
Operator, encourag'd by Government here to electrify epi-
leptic and other poor Patients, and ad vis' d his trying the
Practice on mad People according to your Opinion. I have
not heard whether he has done it.
It is so long since you wrote the Letters I am answering
that I am apprehensive you may have forgotten some of the
Particulars, and that thereby my Answers may be unin-
telligible. I therefore mark the Dates of your Letters in the
Margin, that if you kept Copies you may recur to them.
Lady Dowager Perm * was here about the Time of the
Treaty, and made Application to me with great Complaints,
but I found she was not well inform'd of the State of her
Affairs, and could not clearly show that she had suffer'd any
1 Lady Juliana Fennor, daughter of the Earl of Pomfret, married to Thomas
Penn in 1751. — ED.
310 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Injury from the Publick of Pennsylvania, whatever she might
from the Agents of the Family. Her Husband's Lands, I
understand, were not confiscated as represented; but the
Proprietary Government falling with that of the Crown, the
Assembly took the Opportunity of insisting upon Justice in
some Points, which they could never obtain under that Gov-
ernment. A kind of Compromise then was made between the
Assembly & the Family, whereby all the vacant Lots and
unappropriated wilderness Lands were to be thenceforth in
the Disposition of the Assembly, who were to pay £130,000
Sterling to the Family within 3 Years after the Peace, all
other Demands on both sides being thus abolished. I am
told that this Arrangement was satisfactory to most of them.
But as the Lady intended to send her Son over to solicit her
Interests, I gave him a Letter of Recommendation to the
Governor, proposing it for Consideration whether it might
not be adviseable to reconsider the Matter, and if the sum of
£130,000 should be found insufficient, to make a proper
Addition. I have not heard what has since been done in the
Affair, or whether any thing. In my own Judgment, when I
consider that for near 80 Years, viz., from the Year 1700,
William Penn and his Sons receiv'd the Quit-rents which were
originally granted for the Support of Government, and yet
refused to support the Government, obliging the People to
make a fresh Provision for its Support all that Time, which
cost them vast Sums, as the most necessary Laws were not to
be obtain'd but at the Price of making such Provision ; when
I consider the Meanness and cruel Avarice of the late Pro-
prietor, in refusing for several Years of War, to consent to
any Defence of the Frontiers ravaged all the while by the
Enemy, unless his Estate should be exempted from paying
1785] . TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 311
any Part of the Expence, not to mention other Atrocities too
long for this Letter, I cannot but think the Family well off,
and that it will be prudent in them to take the Money and be
quiet. William Penn, the First Proprietor, Father of Thomas,
the Husband of the present Dowager, was a wise and good
Man, and as honest to the People as the extream Distress of
his Circumstances would permit him to be, but the said
Thomas was a miserable Churl, always intent upon Griping
and Saving ; and whatever Good the Father may have done
for the Province was amply undone by the Mischief receiv'd
from the Son, who never did any thing that had the Appear-
ance of Generosity or Public Spirit but what was extorted
from him by Solicitation and the Shame of Backwardness in
Benefits evidently incumbent on him to promote, and which
was done at last in the most ungracious manner possible. The
Lady's Complaints of not duly receiving her Revenues from
America are habitual; they were the same during all the
Time of my long Residence in London, being then made by
her Husband as Excuses for the Meanness of his House-
keeping and his Deficiency in Hospitality, tho' I knew at the
same time that he was then in full Receipt of vast Sums
annually by the Sale of Lands, Interest of Money, and Quit-
rents. But probably he might conceal this from his Lady
to induce greater Economy as it is known that he ordered no
more of his Income home than was absolutely necessary for
his Subsistence, but plac'd it at Interest in Pennsylvania &
the Jerseys, where he could have 6 and 7 per Cent., while
Money bore no more than 5 per cent, in England. I us'd
often to hear of these Complaints and laugh at them, per-
ceiving clearly their Motive. They serv'd him on other as
well as on domestic Occasions. You remember our Rector
3i2 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
of St. Martin's Parish, Dr. Saunders. He once went about,
during a long and severe Frost, soliciting charitable Con-
tributions to purchase Coals for poor Families. He came
among others to me, and I gave him something. It was but
little, very little, and yet it occasion'd him to remark, "You
are more bountiful on this Occasion than your wealthy
Proprietary, Mr. Penn, but he tells me he is distress'd by not
receiving his Incomes from America." The Incomes of the
family there must still be very great, for they have a Number
of Manors consisting of the best Lands, which are preserved
to them, and vast Sums at Interest well secur'd by Mortgages;
so that if the Dowager does not receive her Proportion, there
must be some Fault in her Agents. You will perceive by the
length of this Article that I have been a little echaufit by her
making the Complaints you mention to the Princess Dow-
ager of Lichtenstein at Vienna. The Lady herself is good &
amiable, and I should be glad to serve her in any thing just
and reasonable ; but I do not at present see that I can do
more than I have done.
As to Wharton, I am amaz'd at his Conduct towards you.
Dr Bancroft tells me, that he believes your Money is spent,
& that Wharton has it not at present to pay : But that he has
Lands, & enjoys a profitable Office; so that he has hopes,
that he may pay in time. In my Opinion, you would do well
to make the Voyage, and when there you may at least obtain
some Land. The Emperor will be good enough to give
you leave to accompany your old Friend. I purpose return-
ing to America in the ensuing summer, and shall be happy to
have your Company. But if this cannot be, send me your
Power of Attorney or Procuration with what Proofs you have
of the Debt, and I will do my best Endeavours when there
to recover it for you.
Louis XVI AND BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
From a statuette, formerly at Champlost and now in the possession of Miss Sophia
Irwin, a descendant of Benjamin Franklin.
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 313
Your Ideas of the long Conservation possible of the Infec-
tion of some Diseases, appear to me well-founded. I heard
in England of one Instance. In a Country Village where the
Small Pox had not been for 30 Years, a Grave was opened for
the Interment of a Person dead of some common Distemper,
whose Funeral was accompanied by most of the Inhabitants
of the Village. The Grave digger, had in his Operation broke
the Coffin of a neighbouring Corpse which had dy'd of the
Small Pox thirty years before. Those who attended the
Ceremony of the Interment were sensible of a bad Smell
issuing from the Grave, and after some Days were all taken
down with that Distemper. You may yourself remember a
stronger Instance. It happen'd during my Absence from
England between August 1762 and December 1764, and
therefore I may not be perfect in the Circumstances. A
Number of Physicians, as I heard, amus'd themselves with
the Dissection of an Egyptian Mummy, which must have
been more than Two Thousand Years old, and several of
them dyd soon after of putrid Fevers, suspected to be caught
at that Dissection.
The Circumstances of the Royalists in the United States
are daily mending, as the Minds of People irritated by the
Burning of their Towns and Massacre of their Friends, begin
to cool. A Stop is put to all Prosecutions against them, and
in time their Offences will be forgotten. By our last Ad-
vices from thence the Government acquires continually more
Consistence, and every thing is getting into the best Order.
The English still misrepresent us and our Situation : relating
things as they wish them rather than as they are. But be
assured our People are happy in the Change, & have not the
least Inclination to return to the Dominion of Britain.
3I4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
{Letter of Sept. i. 83.] I immediately sent to Mr. Bartram
our celebrated Botanist of Pennsylvania, the Orders of Count
Chotck for a quantity of American Seeds. It came so late to
me, that it was impossible it should arrive there in time to
make the Collection of Seeds of the Year 1783, conse-
quently it would be necessary to wait for those that would be
ripe in the Autumn of 1784. But having then in hand a Box
of Seeds obtain'd from him at the Request of some Friends
here ; I divided them, and Sent you some of each Sort. I
delivered them to the Bishop Nekrep, who said he had a good
Opportunity of forwarding them, and that he would do it
with Pleasure. I thought you might oblige your Friend the
Count with those for the present, as they would be in time
for Planting in the Spring of 1784. But I never heard
whether you receiv'd them. I had a Letter last Winter from
my Son-in-law, Mr Bache, acquainting me that Mr. Bartram
had brought the box of Seeds to him, which he should pay for;
but that he was uncertain whether he ought to send it by way
of Holland as ordered, the Newspapers having announced
a War between the Emperor and that State, which might
obstruct its passage to Vienna. I wrote to him in answer,
that he should nevertheless comply with the Order, and
immediately, lest the Seeds should arrive too late for plant-
ing this Season, so that I hope they may be now in Holland,
tho' I have heard nothing further. I enclose a Copy of the
List of those sent you, except some Deficiencys.
[Letter o) Nov. 19. 83.] I thank you much for your good
Wishes of Repose and Tranquility for me in my latter Years,
and for your kind invitation to come and see you at Vienna.
I have sufficient Inclination but my Malady the Stone, which
for 20 Months past has disabled me from using a Carriage,
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 315
is an insuperable Obstruction to such a Journey. I know we
should be happy together, and therefore repeat my Proposition
that you should ask Leave of the Emperor to let you come
and live with me during the little Remainder of Life that
is left me. I am confident his Goodness would grant your
Request. You will be at no expence while with me in
America; you will recover your Debt from Wharton, and
you will make me happy. I am glad you received the Bill
of 8000 Livres from him, which went thro' my Hands. I
wish your Application of it in an East Indian Adventure
may be more advantagious to you than your Adventure to
the West.
I know not the Situation here of your Book, as I rarely see
M. le Begue, he living much in the Country : but I am sorry
for your sake as well as that of the Publick, that its Publica-
tion is so long delay 'd.
As soon as I return to Philadelphia, I shall procure your
Election as a Member of our Philosophical Society. I do not
know any Choice that will do them more Honour.
As the American Newspapers seem to afford you Pleasure, I
have sent you some more by the Baron de Windischgratz, who
was so kind as to undertake the forwarding them to you. I
gave him also two little Pieces of my Writing.
[Letter of Jan. 2. 84.} I imagine that I did answer this
Letter before, tho' I find no Note of such Answer. I think
I dissuaded you from being concern'd in any Project for rais-
ing a Balloon as if it should happen by any Accident not
succeed, it might expose you to Ridicule, & hurt your Repu-
tation. I was glad to hear that you declin'd it.
[Letter of Jan. 14. 84.] I receiv'd this Letter, said to be
sent by the Countess de Fries. I should have been glad
3i6 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
of any Opportunity of showing Civility to a Friend of yours,
and of so amiable a Character.
[Letter of Feb. 10. 84.] The Prelate of Nekrep appeared a
very good sort of Man. I show'd him all the Respect in my
Power. I think I must have written to you by him, but I do
not find any Copy of the Letter, and remember nothing of
the Contents. My Memory is indeed sensibly impaired. I
was sorry to hear of his Death.
I do not know that my Contrivance of a Clock with 3 Wheels
only, which show'd Hours, Minutes and Seconds, has ever
been publish'd. I have seen several of them here at Paris
that were made by Mr. Whitehurst, and sent over I believe
by Mr. Magellan. You are welcome to do what you please
with it. Mr. Whitehurst's Invention is very simple, and
should be very effectual, provided the foot of the Rod and the
Situation of the Clock are invariably fix'd, so as never to be at
a greater or less Distance from one another, which may be
by fixing both in a strait-grain'd Piece of Wood of about 4
feet long; Wood not changing its Dimensions the length way
of the Grain, by any common degree of Heat or Cold. But
this cannot be trusted to the Wood of a Clock- Case, because
in Sawing Boards the Grain is frequently cross'd, and Mois-
ture and Dryness will change their Dimensions.
You are at liberty also to publish if you think fit the Ex-
periment of the Globe floating between two Liquors. I sup-
pose you remember to have seen it on my Chimney-piece.
Tho' it is a matter of no Utility. Something of the same
nature has been done more than 100 Years since by another
Person, I forget who.
What I formerly mention'd to you of hanging a Weight on
a spiral Spring, to discover if Bodies gravitated differently
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 317
to the Earth during the Conjunctions of the Sun and Moon,
compar'd with other Times, was this. We suppose, that, by
the Force of Gravity in those Luminaries, the Water of the
Ocean, an immense Weight, is elevated so as to form the
Tides; if that be so, might we not expect, that an iron Ball
of a pound suspended by a fine spiral Spring, should, when
the Sun and Moon are together both above it, be a little at-
tracted upwards or rendered lighter, so as to be drawn up
a little by the Spring on which it depends, and the contrary
when they are both below it. The Quantity, tho' very small,
might perhaps be rendred visible by a Contrivance like the
above. It is not difficult to make this Experiment, but I have
never made it. With regard to the Tides, I doubt the Opin-
ion of there being but two High Waters and two Low Waters
existing at the same time on the Globe. I rather think there
are many, and those at the Distance of about 100 Leagues
from each other. The Tides found in the River Amazones
seem to favour this Opinion. Observations hereafter in the
Isles of the Pacific Ocean may confirm or refute it.
If I were in a Situation where I could be a little more Master
of my Time, I would as you desire, write my Ideas on the
Subject of Chimneys. They might I think be useful. For
by what I see everywhere the Subject seems too little under-
stood, which occasions much Inconvenience & fruitless
Expence. But besides being harass'd with too much Business,
I am expos'd to numberless Visits, some of Kindness and
Civility, many of mere idle Curiosity, from Strangers of
America & of different Parts of Europe, as well as the In-
habitants of the Provinces who come to Paris. These devour
my Hours, and break my Attention, and at Night I often
find myself fatigu'd without having done any thing. Celebrity
3i8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
may for a while flatter one's Vanity, but its Effects are
troublesome. I have begun to write two or three Things,
which I wish to finish before I die; but I sometimes doubt
the possibility.
I thank you much for the Postscript respecting my Dis-
order, the Stone. I have taken heretofore, and am now
again taking the Remedy you mention, which is called
Blackrie's Solvent. It is the Soap Lie, with Lime Water, and
I believe it may have some Effect in diminishing the Symp-
toms, and preventing the Growth of the Stone, which is all
I expect from it. It does not hurt my Appetite ; I sleep well,
and enjoy my Friends in chearful Conversation as usual.
But, as I cannot use much Exercise, I eat more sparingly than
formerly, and I drink no Wine.
I admire that you should be so timid in asking Leave of
your good imperial Master to make a Journey for visiting
a Friend. I am persuaded you would succeed, and I hope
the Proposition I have made you in this Letter will assist
your Courage, and enable you to ask and obtain. If you
come here soon, you may when present get your Book fin-
ish'd, and be ready to proceed with me to America. While
writing this, I have receiv'd from Congress my Leave to re-
turn ; and I believe I shall be ready to embark by the middle
of July, at farthest. I shall now be free of Politicks for the
Rest of my Life. Welcome again my dear Philosophical
Amusements.
I see by a full Page of your Letter, that you have been pos-
sess'd with strange Ideas of America ; that there is no Jus-
tice to be obtained there, no Recovery of Debts, Projects of
Insurrection to overturn the present Government, &c. &c. ;
that a Virginia Colonel Nephew of the Governor had cheated
1785] TO JAN INGENHOUSZ 319
a Stranger of 100,000 Livres, and that somebody was im-
prisoned for only speaking of it ; that Dr Bancroft was afraid
of Mr. Wharton's Power, and the like very improbable Stories.
As to Dr. Bancroft he gave me no such Reason for not recov-
ering his Money, nor any other but Wharton's present In-
ability; and for the rest believe me they are all Fictions or
Misrepresentations. If they were Truths, all Strangers
would avoid such a Country, and foreign Merchants would
as soon carry their Goods to sell in Newgate as to America.
Think a little on the Sums England has spent to preserve a
Monopoly of the Trade of that People, with whom they had
long been acquainted, and of the Desire all Europe is now
manifesting to obtain a Share of that Trade. Our Ports
are full of their Ships, their Merchants buying and selling in
our Streets continually, and returning with our Products.
Would this happen? Could such Commerce be continu'd
with us, if we were such a Collection of Scoundrels and Villains
as we have been represented to you? And Insurrections
against our Rulers are not only unlikely, as the Rulers are
the Choice of the People, but unnecessary; as, if not lik'd,
they may be chang'd annually by the new Elections.
I own you have Cause, great Cause to complain of Wharton,
but you are wrong to condemn a whole Country by a single
Sample. I have seen many Countries, & I do not know a
Country in the World in which Justice is so well administ'red,
where Protection and Favour have so little Power to impede
its Operations, and where Debts are recovered with so much
Facility. If I thought it such a Country as it has been
painted to you, I should certainly never return to it. The
Truth I believe is, that more Goods have been carried thither
from all Parts of Europe, than the Consumption of the Coun-
320 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
try requires, & it is natural that some of the Adventurers
are willing to discourage others from following them, lest
the Prices should still be kept down by the Arrival of fresh
Cargoes; and it is not unlikely, that some negligent or un-
faithful Factors sent thither, may have given such Accounts
to excuse their not making Remittances. And the English
magnify all this, and spread it abroad in their Papers, to
dissuade Foreigners from attempting to interfere with them
in their Commerce with us.
Your Account of the Emperor's condescending Conver-
sation with you concerning me, is pleasing. I respect very
much the Character of that Monarch, and think, that, if
I were one of his Subjects, he would find me a good One. I
am glad that his Difference with your Country is likely to
be accommodated without Bloodshed. The Courier de
VEurope, and some other Papers, printed a Letter on that
Difference, which they ascrib'd to me. Be assured my
Friend that I never wrote it, nor was ever presumptuous
enough to meddle with an Affair so much out of my way.
All the Letters you at any time enclos'd to me have been
faithfully forwarded. I obtained from Mr. Williams an
Answer which I enclose. I am asham'd I have kept it so
long ; but I had put it among your Letters, intending to send
it with the first I should write to you, and that has been too
long delay 'd.
Mesmer continues here and has still some Adherents and
some Practice. It is surprizing how much Credulity still
subsists in the World. I suppose all the Physicians in
France put together have not made so much Money during
the Time he has been here, as he has done. And we have
now a fresh Folly. A Magnetiser pretends that he can by
1785] TO COMTE DE VERGENNES 321
establishing what is called a Rapport between any Person
and a Somnambule, put it in the Power of that Person to
direct the Actions of the Somnambule, by a simple strong
Volition only, without Speaking or making any Signs; and
many People daily flock to see this strange Operation !
Your last did not reach me till long after its Date. I have
spent some Days in writing this. It is now the 2d of May, and
I shall not be able to forward it till by Thursday's Post, the
5th Instant. If in the meantime I can learn anything respect-
ing the Publication of your Book I will add it in a Postscript.
Rejoice with me, my dear Friend, that I am once more a
Freeman : after Fifty Years Service in Public Affairs. And
let me know soon if you will make me happy the little Re-
mainder left me of my Life, by spending the Time with me
in America.
I have Instruments if the Enemy did not destroy them
all, and we will make Plenty of Experiments together.
Believe me ever,
Yours most affectionately
B. F.
1560. TO COMTE DE VERGENNES (L. c.)
Passy, May 3, 1785.
SIR,
I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency, that I
have at length obtain'd, and yesterday receiv'd, the Permis-
sion of Congress to return to America. As my Malady
makes it impracticable for me to pay my Devoirs at Ver-
sailles personally, may I beg the favour of you, Sir, to express
respectfully for me to his Majesty, the deep Sense I have of
VOL. IX — Y
322 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
all the inestimable Benefits his Goodness has conferr'd on
my Country ; a Sentiment that it will be the Business of the
little Remainder of Life now left me, to impress equally on
the Minds of all my Countrymen. My sincere Prayers are,
that God may shower down his Blessings on the King, the
Queen, their Children, and all the royal Family to the latest
Generations !
Permit me, at the same time, to offer you my thankful
Acknowledgments for the Protection and Countenance you
afforded me at my Arrival, and your many Favours during
my Residence here, of which I shall always retain the most
grateful Remembrance. My Grandson would have had the
honour of waiting on you with this Letter, but he has been
some time ill of a Fever.
With the greatest Esteem and Respect, and best Wishes
for the constant Prosperity of yourself, and all your amiable
family, I am, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1561. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (P. c.)
Passy, May 5, 1785.
MY DEAR, DEAR FRIEND,
I receiv'd your little Letter from Dover, which gave me
great Pleasure, as it inform'd me of your happy Progress so
far in your way home. I hope the rest of your Journey was
as prosperous.2
You talk of Obligations to me, when in fact I am the
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
2 Mrs. Hewson and her children had spent the winter with Dr. Franklin
at Passy. — ED.
1785] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 323
Person oblig'd. I pass'd a long Winter, in a manner that made
it appear the shortest of any I ever past. Such is the Effect
of pleasing Society, with Friends one loves.
I have now receiv'd my Permission to return, and am
making my Preparations. I hope to get away in June. I
promise myself, or rather flatter myself, that I shall be happy
when at home. But, however happy that Circumstance may
make me, your joining me there will surely make me happier,
provided your Change of Country may be for the advantage
of your dear little Family. When you have made up your
Mind on the Subject, let me know by a Line, that I may pre-
pare a House for you as near me, and otherwise as convenient
for you, as possible.
My Neighbours begin to come out from Paris, and replace
themselves in their Passy Houses. They enquire after you,
and are sorry you are gone before they could make themselves
known to you. For those who did know you speak well of
you. M. le Veillard, in particular, has told me at different
times, what indeed I knew long since, C'est une bien digne
Femme, cette Madame Hewson, une trts aimable Femme.
I would not tell you this if I thought it would make you
vain — er than you are ; but that is impossible ; you have
too much good Sense.
So wish me a good Voyage, and, when you pray at Church
for all that travel by Land or Sea, think of your ever affec-
tionate Friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. My love to William, and Thomas, and Eliza, and
tell them I miss their chearful Prattle. Temple being sick,
and Benjamin at Paris, I have found it very triste breakfasting
alone, and sitting alone, and without any Tea in the Evening.
324 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1562. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1 (P. c.)
Passy May 5. 1785
DEAR JONATHAN
I wrote you some Days since, and enclos'd you several
Letters I had received respecting your Affairs. Enclos'd
is another which came to hand this Morning. You will let
me know what I should say to this Man. He has shown me
a Letter of yours ordering the Goods and undertaking to
pay for them.
I have at length received my long-expected Permission to
return to America, and I am preparing for my Departure,
tho' I have not yet determined how I shall go. It is now
said that the May Packet is the last to go from L' Orient,
and that the June Packet and all succeeding ones are to go
from Havre. I incline (if this is true, and no better means
offers) to go in the June Packet. But there is a Mr. Ger-
vaise from Boston who tells me that a fine new Ship of Peck's
Construction, 400 Tons Burthen will sail from Holland for
Boston in July; and that he has no doubt the Captain will
be prevail'd on to call for me and my Family at Havre, to
which Place I can go by Water ; and that he will talk with
the Captain on the Subject as soon as he arrives in Holland,
which will be in a few Days and write me Word whether he
will undertake it and on what Terms.
I have indeed no great Objection to landing in Boston,
as tho' there will then be another Voyage to get home, I
shall have the Pleasure of seeing Friends once more, whom
otherwise I may never see. But as this Project may not
1 From the original in the possession of Louis A. Biddle, Esq. — ED.
1785] TO JOHN JAY 325
answer I wish you would enquire and inform me whether
there are any good Vessels bound from London to Boston,
N. York, or Philadelphia or Baltimore to sail in June, that
would take us at Havre. I shall need the most comfortable
Accommodation the Ship can afford, being so old and infirm,
and I expect to pay accordingly. There will be myself and
two Grandsons at least, perhaps another Person, and two
Servants. I shall have also with me four [mutilated] Tons
perhaps of Goods. And if it will suit [mutilated] to go with
us so much the better. The sooner you give me the Infor-
mation you can collect the more satisfactory it will be, as
it will enable me sooner to make my Determination. As to
Mrs. Hewson's Family I know not yet whether she ever in-
tends going to America but as she intends a Journey to York-
shire, it is not probable she can make the American Voyage
this Summer. Billy is better and sends his Love. I am ever
Your affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN.
1563. TO JOHN JAY1 (L.C.)
Passy, May 10, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
I received your kind Letter of the 8th of March, enclosing
the Resolution of Congress, permitting my Return to America,
for which I am very thankful, and am now preparing to
depart the first good Opportunity. Next to the Pleasure of
rejoining my own Family will be that of seeing you and yours
well and happy, and embracing once more my little Friend,
whose singular Attachment to me I shall always remember.
1 Mr. Jay was at this time Secretary of Foreign Affairs, having been chosen
as successor to Mr. Livingston, who had resigned. — ED.
326 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
I shall be glad to render any acceptable Service to Mr.
Randall.1 I convey'd the Bayberry Wax to Abbe* de Chalut,
with your Compliments, as you desired. He returns his with
many Thanks. Be pleased to make my respectfull Compli-
ments acceptable to Mrs. Jay, and believe me ever, with
sincere and great Respect and Esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1564. TO CHARLES THOMSON (L. c.)
Passy, May 10, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
An old Gentleman in Switzerland, long of the Magistracy
there, having written a book intitled Dn Gouvernement des
Mceurs,2 which is thought to contain many Matters, that may
be useful in America, desired to know of me how he could
convey a Number of the printed Copies, to be distributed
gratis among the Members of Congress. I advis'd his ad-
dressing the Package to you by way of Amsterdam, whence
a Friend of mine would forward it. It is accordingly shipt
there on board the Van Berckel, Capt. W. Campbell mark'd
[x]. N° 990. There are good Things in the Work, but his
Chapter on the Liberty of the Press appears to me to contain
more Rhetorick than Reason. With great Esteem, I am
ever, Dear Sir,
Yours Affectionately
B. FRANKLIN.
1 Paul Randall, son of a merchant of New York. — ED.
2 By Pollier, published at Lausanne, 1 784. — ED.
1785] TO MR. AND MRS. RICHARD BACHE 327
1565. TO MR. AND MRS. RICHARD BACHE (L. c.)
Passy, May 10, 1785.
DEAR SON AND DAUGHTER : — Having at length received
from Congress Permission to return home, I am now pre-
paring for my departure, and hope to get away by the Middle
of next Month, or the End at farthest, tho' I know not yet
whether it will be by the Packet or some other Vessel.
Fearing that the Packet may be crowded with Passengers, I
have desired my Cousin, Jonathan Williams, now in London,
to enquire whether there may not be found some good Vessel
bound directly to Philadelphia, who would agree to take me
on board at Havre, with my Grandsons and Servants, and
my Baggage, etc. Infirm as I am, I have need of comfort-
able Room and Accommodations. I was miserably lodg'd
in coming over hither, which almost demolish'd me. I must
be better stow'd now, or I shall not be able to hold out the
Voyage. Indeed my Friends here are so apprehensive for
me, that they press me much to remain in France, and three
of them have offer'd me an Asylum in their Habitations.
They tell me I am here among a People who universally
esteem and love me; that my Friends at home are dimin-
ish'd by Death in my Absence ; that I may there meet with
Envy and its consequent Enmity which here I am perfectly
free from; this supposing I live to compleat the Voyage,
but of that they doubt. The Desire however of spending
the little Remainder of Life with my Family, is so strong, as
to determine me to try, at least, whether I can bear the Motion
of a Ship. If not, I must get them to set me on shore some-
where in the Channel, and content myself to die in Europe.
328 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
It is long since I have heard from you or of you. I hope,
however, that you and the Children continue well. Ben is
very well, and growing amazingly. He promises to be a
stout as well as a good Man. Temple has been ill lately
with a Fever, but is getting better and sends his Duty. I
suppose Ben writes. I am ever my dear Children, your
affectionate Father,
B. FRANKLIN
in his 8oth Year.
1566. TO MARECHAL DE CASTRIES (A. p. s.)
Passy, May 1 6, 1785.
SIR,
I received the Letter you did me the honour of writing to
me the gth Instant, respecting an Advance made to Mr. Bing-
ham Agent of the United States at Martinique, amounting to
200,216 #5. for which he is held accountable. Mr. Bingham
resided at Paris during the Winter, with his Family; but is
now gone to London, and I know not his Address there.
Before his Departure he obtain'd some Letters of Introduction
to the Minister of France at that Court, and probably there-
fore is acquainted with residence; and I submit it to your
Consideration, whether it may not be well to charge that
Minister with the Demand, as I am about to depart for
America, and shall probably have no Opportunity of seeing
Mr. Bingham, for which reason I return the Letter. With
great Respect, I am, Sir,
Your Excellency's most obedient
& most humble Servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1785] TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 329
1567. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS (P. c.)
DEAR JONATHAN Passy May 19. 1785
1 The Conversations you mention respecting America are
pitiable. Those People speak what they wish ; but she was
certainly never in a more happy Situation. They are angry
with us and hate us, and speak all manner of evil of us;
but we flourish, notwithstanding. They put me in mind
of a violent High Church Factor, resident some time in
Boston, when I was a Boy. He had bought upon Specula-
tion a Connecticut Cargo of Onions, which he flatter'd him-
self he might sell again to great Profit, but the Price fell,
and they lay upon hand. He was heartily vex'd with his
Bargain, especially when he observ'd they began to grow in
the Store he had fill'd with them. He show'd them one Day
to a Friend. "Here they are," says he, "and they are grow-
ing too ! I damn 'em every day ; but I think they are like
the Presbyterians ; the more I curse 'em, the more they grow.1'
Billy is got well again and I suppose writes. My Disorder
has its bad and good Days : At present I am tolerably affected
by it ; but sometimes the Pain is hard to bear. I wish you to
buy and send me Blackrie's Disquisition on Medicines that
dissolve the Stone.2 You will find it at Wilkie's, N° 71, Paul's
Churchyard. I am ever, your Affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN.
1 The first paragraph of this letter I have omitted. It contains remarks
upon his preparations for his homeward voyage, the substance of which is to be
found in other letters. The original is in the possession of Louis A. Biddle,
Esq. — ED.
1 " A Disquisition on Medicines which dissolve the Stone, in which Dr.
330 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1785
1568. TO CALEB WHITEFOORD (B. M.)
Passy May 19. 1785
MY DEAR OLD FRIEND
I have desired my Nephew Mr. Williams to buy a Book
for me, Blackrie's Disquisitions upon Medicines for dis-
solving the Stone. It treats I understand of the Sope-Lye,
which is recommended in the Pamphlet you were so kind as
to send me. But as he may not easily find an Opportunity
of sending it to me, I have directed him to consult with you,
hoping that if it is not too big, you may prevail to have it
come by the Court Courier, under Cover to your Friend here,
who will immediately give it to me.
I am really griev'd to learn by your Letter to my Grandson,
that your public Services at the Treaty remain yet unre-
warded.1 You were long and usefully employ Jd here, and
it is a shame you should be so long neglected. The Min-
istry being chang'd does not lessen your Merit with regard
to the Public. You had a great loss in the Death of that
truly good Man Mr. Oswald.2 For I know it was his inten-
tion, tho' he would not accept of anything for himself on
Account of his Employment here, to make it a Point with
Government, the obtaining a handsome Provision for you.
It is unlucky, I think in the Affairs of this World, that the
Wise and Good should be as mortal as Common People
Chittick's secret is considered and discovered," by Alexander Blackrie. Lon-
don, 1766. i2mo. — ED.
1 It was not until 1793 that a pension of £200 a year was secured to
Whitefoord for his services. — ED.
2 Richard Oswald died November 6, 1784. — ED.
1785] TO GEORGE WHATLEY 331
and that they often die before others are found fit to supply
their Places.
I am ever, my dear Friend,
Yours most affectionately.
B. FRANKLIN.
1569. TO GEORGE WHATLEY1
Passy, May 19, 1785.
DEAR OLD FRIEND,
I received the very good letter you sent me by my grandson,
together with your resemblance, which is placed in my
chamber, and gives me great pleasure. There is no trade,
they say, without returns, and therefore I am punctual in
making those you have ordered.
I intended this should have been a long epistle, but I am
interrupted, and can only add, that I am ever yours most
affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1570. TO GEORGE WHATLEY (L. c.)
Passy, May 23, 1785.
DEAR OLD FRIEND,
I sent you a few Lines the other Day, with the Medallion,
when I should have written more, but was prevented by the
coming in of a Bavard, who worried me till Evening. I bore
with him, and now you are to bear with me ; for I shall prob-
ably bavarder in answering your Letter.
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 183. — ED.
332 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
I am not acquainted with the Saying of Alphonsus,1 which
you allude to as a Sanctification of your Rigidity, in refusing
to allow me the Plea of Old Age, as an Excuse for my Want
of Exactness in Correspondence. What was that Saying?
You do not, it seems, feel any occasion for such an Excuse,
though you are, as you say, rising 75. But I am rising (per-
haps more properly falling) 80, and I leave the Excuse with
you till you arrive at that Age; perhaps you may then be
more sensible of its Validity, and see fit to use it for yourself.
I must agree with you, that the Gout is bad, and that the
Stone is worse. I am happy in not having them both to-
gether, and I join in your Prayer, that you may live till you
die without either. But I doubt the Author of the Epitaph 2
you send me was a little mistaken, when he, speaking of the
World, says, that
" he ne'er car'd a pin
What they said or may say of the Mortal within."
It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive
or dead, that I imagine he could not be quite exempt from
that Desire ; and that at least he wish'd to be thought a Wit,
or he would not have given himself the Trouble of writing so
good an Epitaph to leave behind him. Was it not as worthy
of his Care, that the World should say he was an honest and
a good Man? I like better the concluding Sentiment in
the old Song, call'd The Old Man's Wish, wherein, after
wishing for a warm House in a country Town, an easy Horse,
some good old authors, ingenious and cheerful Companions,
a Pudding on Sundays, with stout Ale, and a bottle of Bur-
1 The wish of King Alphonsus was to have old friends, old books, old
wine, and old wood, whence Whatley gathered that the age of friends ought
not to be a plea for indolence or inexactness. — ED.
2 Pope's Epitaph, Ep. XVI, 6.— ED.
1785] TO GEORGE WHATLEY 333
gundy, &c. &c., in separate Stanzas, each ending with this
burthen,
44 May I govern my Passions with an absolute sway,
Grow wiser and better as my Strength wears away,
Without Gout or Stone, by a gentle Decay; "
he adds,
" With a Courage undaunted may I face my last day,
And, when I am gone, may the better Sort say,
' In the Morning when sober, in the Evening when mellow,
He's gone, and has not left behind him his Fellow;
For he governed his Passions, &c.' "
But what signifies our Wishing? Things happen, after all,
as they will happen. I have sung that wishing Song a thou-
sand times, when I was young, and now find, at Fourscore,
that the three Contraries have befallen me, being subject to
the Gout and the Stone, and not being yet Master of all my
Passions. Like the proud Girl in my Country, who wished
and resolv'd not to marry a Parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor
an Irishman; and at length found herself married to an
Irish Presbyterian Parson.
You see I have some reason to wish, that, in a future State,
I may not only be as well as I was, but a little better. And
I hope it; for I, too, with your Poet, trust in God. And
when I observe, that there is great Frugality, as well as Wis-
dom, in his Works, since he has been evidently sparing both
of Labour and Materials ; for by the various wonderful Inven-
tions of Propagation, he has provided for the continual peo-
pling his World with Plants and Animals, without being at
the Trouble of repeated new Creations; and by the natural
Reduction of compound Substances to their original Ele-
ments, capable of being employ'd in new Compositions, he
has prevented the Necessity of creating new Matter ; so that
the Earth, Water, Air, and perhaps Fire, which being com-
334 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
pounded form Wood, do, when the Wood is dissolved, re-
turn, and again become Air, Earth, Fire, and Water; I say,
that, when I see nothing annihilated, and not even a Drop
of Water wasted, I cannot suspect the Annihilation of Souls,
or believe, that he will suffer the daily Waste of Millions of
Minds ready made that now exist, and put himself to the
continual Trouble of making new ones. Thus finding my-
self to exist in the World, I believe I shall, in some Shape or
other, always exist ; and, with all the inconveniencies human
Life is liable to, I shall not object to a new Edition of mine ;
hoping, however, that the Errata of the last may be corrected.
I return your Note of Children received in the Foundling
Hospital at Paris, from 1741 to 1755, inclusive; and I have
added the Years preceding as far back as 1710 together with
the general Christnings of the City, and the Years succeeding
down to 1770. Those since that Period I have not been able
to obtain. I have noted in the Margin the gradual Increase,
viz. from every tenth Child so thrown upon the Public, till
it comes to every third ! Fifteen Years have passed since the
last Account, and probably it may now amount to one half.
Is it right to encourage this monstrous Deficiency of natural
Affection? A Surgeon I met with here excused the Women
of Paris, by saying, seriously, that they could not give suck;
"Car," dit il, u elles riant point de tetons." He assur'd me
it was a Fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how
flat they were on the Breast ; " they have nothing more there,"
said he, "than I have upon the Back of my hand." I have
since thought that there might be some Truth in his Obser-
vation, and that, possibly, Nature, finding they made no use
of Bubbies, has left off giving them any. Yet, since Rous-
seau, with admirable Eloquence, pleaded for the Rights of
1785] TO GEORGE WHATLEY 335
Children to their Mother's Milk, the Mode has changed a
little ; and some Ladies of Quality now suckle their Infants
and find Milk enough. May the Mode descend to the lower
Ranks, till it becomes no longer the Custom to pack their
Infants away, as soon as born, to the Enfant Trouvts, with
the careless Observation, that the King is better able to main-
tain them.
I am credibly inform'd, that nine-tenths of them die there
pretty soon, which is said to be a great Relief to the Institu-
tion, whose Funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring
up the Remainder. Except the few Persons of Quality
above mentioned, and the Multitude who send to the Hos-
pital, the Practice is to hire Nurses in the Country to carry
out the Children, and take care of them there. There is an
Office for examining the Health of Nurses, and giving them
Licenses. They come to Town on certain Days of the Week
in Companies to receive the Children, and we often meet
Trains of them on the Road returning to the neighbouring
Villages, with each a Child in her Arms. But those, who are
good enough to try this way of raising their Children, are often
not able to pay the Expence; so that the Prisons of Paris
are crowded with wretched Fathers and Mothers confined
pour Mois de Nourrice, tho' it is laudably a favorite Charity
to pay for them, and set such Prisoners at Liberty. I wish
Success to the new Project of assisting the Poor to keep their
Children at home, because I think there is no Nurse like a
Mother (or not many), and that, if Parents did not immedi-
ately send their Infants out of their Sight, they would in a
few days begin to love them, and thence be spurr'd to greater
Industry for their Maintenance. This is a Subject you under-
stand better than I, and, therefore, having perhaps said too
336 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
much, I drop it. I only add to the Notes a Remark, from
the History of the Academy 0} Sciences, much in favour of
the Foundling Institution.
The Philadelphia Bank goes on, as I hear, very well. What
you call the Cincinnati Institution is no Institution of our
Government, but a private Convention among the Officers
of our late Army, and so universally dislik'd by the People,
that it is supposed it will be dropt. It was considered as an
Attempt to establish something like an hereditary Rank or
Nobility. I hold with you, that it was wrong; may I add,
that all descending Honours are wrong and absurd; that
the Honour of virtuous Actions appertains only to him that
performs them, and is in its nature incommunicable. If
it were communicable by Descent, it must also be divisible
among the Descendants ; and the more ancient the Family,
the less would be found existing in any one Branch of it ; to
say nothing of the greater Chance of unlucky Interruptions.1
Our Constitution seems not to be well understood with
you. If the Congress were a permanent Body, there would be
more Reason in being jealous of giving it Powers. But its
Members are chosen annually, cannot be chosen more than
three Years successively, nor more than three Years in seven ;
and any of them may be recall'd at any time, whenever their
Constituents shall be dissatisfied with their Conduct.2 They
are of the People, and return again to mix with the People,
having no more durable preeminence than the different
Grains of Sand in an Hourglass. Such an Assembly cannot
easily become dangerous to Liberty. They are the Servants
of the People, sent together to do the People's Business, and
1 See letter to Mrs. Bache, dated January 26, 1784. — ED.
2 These were the provisions of the old confederation. — S.
1785] TO GEORGE WHATLEY 337
promote the public Welfare ; their Powers must be sufficient,
or their Duties cannot be performed. They have no prof-
itable Appointments, but a mere Payment of daily Wages,
such as are scarcely equivalent to their Expences; so that,
having no Chance for great Places, and enormous Salaries
or Pensions, as in some Countries, there is no triguing or
bribing for Elections.
I wish Old England were as happy in its Government,
but I do not see it. Your People, however, think their Con-
stitution the best in the World, and affect to despise ours. It
is comfortable to have a good Opinion of one's self, and of
every thing that belongs to us ; to think one's own Religion,
King, and Wife, the best of all possible Wives, Kings, or
Religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who had trav-
ell'd two Years in Europe under the care of some Moravian
Missionaries, and had visited Germany, Denmark, Holland,
and England. When I asked them at Philadelphia, where
they were in their Way home, whether, now they had seen
how much more commodiously the white People lived by
the help of the Arts, they would not choose to remain among
us; their Answer was, that they were pleased with having
had an Opportunity of seeing so many fine things, but they
chose to LIVE in their own Country. Which Country, by the
way, consisted of rock only, for the Moravians were obliged
to carry Earth in their Ship from New York, for the purpose
of making there a Cabbage Garden.
By Mr. Dollond's * Saying, that my double Spectacles can
only serve particular Eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly
informed of their Construction. I imagine it will be found
pretty generally true, that the same Convexity of Glass,
1 Peter Dollond (1730-1820), optician. — ED.
VOL. ix — z
338 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
through which a Man sees clearest and best at the Distance
proper for Reading, is not the best for greater Distances. I
therefore had formerly two Pair of Spectacles, which I shifted
occasionally, as in travelling I sometimes read, and often
wanted to regard the Prospects. Finding this Change trouble-
some, and not always sufficiently ready, I had the Glasses
cut, and half of each kind associated in the same Circle,
thus,
Least convex
for distant objects
By this means, as I wear my Spectacles constantly, I have
only to move my Eyes up or down, as I want to see distinctly
far or near, the proper Glasses being always ready. This I
find more particularly convenient since my being in France,
the Glasses that serve me best at Table to see what I eat,
not being the best to see the Faces of those on the other Side
of the Table who speak to me ; and when one's Ears are not
well accustomed to the Sounds of a Language, a Sight of the
Movements in the Features of him that speaks helps to ex-
plain ; so that I understand French better by the help of my
Spectacles.
My intended translator of your Piece, the only one I know
who understands the Subject, as well as the two Languages,
(which a translator ought to do, or he cannot make so good
1785] TO CHRISTOPHER WYVILL 339
a Translation,) is at present occupied in an Affair that pre-
vents his undertaking it; but that will soon be over. I
thank you for the Notes. I should be glad to have another
of the printed Pamphlets.
We shall always be ready to take your Children, if you
send them to us. I only wonder, that, since London draws
to itself, and consumes such Numbers of your Country People,
the Country should not, to supply their Places, want and
willingly receive the Children you have to dispose of. That
Circumstance, together with the Multitude who voluntarily
part with their Freedom as Men, to serve for a time as
Lac[k]eys, or for Life as Soldiers, in consideration of small
Wages, seems to me a Proof that your Island is over-peopled.
And yet it is afraid of Emigrations ! Adieu, my dear
Friend, and believe me ever yours very affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1571. TO CHRISTOPHER WYVILL1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, June 16, 1785
SIR
I send you herewith the Sketch I promis'd you. Perhaps it
may be of use to publish something of the kind : For if the
power of Chusing now in the Boroughs continues to be al-
low'd as a Right, they may think themselves more justifiable
1 Christopher Wyvill (1740-1822), prominent in country politics, was an
earnest advocate of parliamentary reform. He was chairman of the York-
shire Association, which aimed among other things to equalize the representa-
tion in Parliament. Its political sentiments were announced in a circular
letter drawn up by Wyvill, and in the Yorkshire petition presented to Parlia-
ment, February 8, 1780. — ED.
340 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN [1785
in demanding more for it, or in holding back longer, than
they would if they find that it begins to be consider'd as an
Abuse. With great Esteem, I am,
Sir,
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
B. FRANKLIN.
1572. ON THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISES ENJOYED
BY THE SMALL BOROUGHS IN ENGLAND l
No man, or body of men, in any nation, can have a just
right to any privilege or franchise not common to the rest
of the nation, without having done the nation some service
equivalent, for which the franchise or privilege was the recom-
pense or consideration.
No man, or body of men, can be justly deprived of a com-
mon right, but for some equivalent offence or injury done to
the society in which he enjoyed that right.
If a number of men are unjustly deprived of a common
right, and the same is given in addition to the common rights
of another number, who have not merited such addition, the
injustice is double.
Few, if any, of the boroughs in England, ever performed
any such particular service to the nation, entitling them to
what they now claim as a privilege in elections.
Originally, in England, when the King issued his writs
1 Addressed to Christopher Wyvill, not Sir Charles Wyvill as in Sparks
and Bigelow; the baronetcy became dormant in 1774. See Thomas Sec-
combe's article upon Christopher Wyvill in " Diet, of Nat. Biog." — ED.
1785] ELECTIVE FRANCHISES IN ENGLAND 341
calling upon counties, cities, and boroughs, to depute persons
who should meet him in Parliament, the intention was to
obtain by that means more perfect information of the general
state of the kingdom, its faculties, strength, and disposition ;
together with the advice their accumulated wisdom might
afford him in "such arduous affairs of the realm" as he had
to propose. And he might reasonably hope, that measures
approved by the deputies in such an assembly would, on their
return home, be by them well explained, and rendered agree-
able to their constituents and the nation in general. At that
time, being sent to Parliament was not considered as being
put into the way of preferment, or increase of fortune ; there-
fore no bribe was given to obtain the appointment. The dep-
uties were to be paid wages by their constituents; there-
fore the being obliged to send and pay was considered rather
as a duty than a privilege. At this day, in New England,
many towns, who may and ought to send members to the
Assembly, sometimes neglect to do it; they are then sum-
moned to answer for their neglect, and fined if they cannot
give a good excuse; such as some common misfortune, or
some extraordinary public expense, which disabled them
from affording, conveniently, the necessary wages. And,
the wages allowed being barely sufficient to defray the dep-
uty's expense, no solicitations are used to be chosen.
In England, as soon as the being sent to Parliament was
found to be a step towards acquiring both honour and fortune,
solicitations were practised, and, where they were insufficient,
money was given. Both the ambitious and avaricious be-
came candidates. But to solicit the poor labourer for his vote
being humiliating to the proud man, and to pay for it hurting
the lover of money, they, when they met, joined in an act to
342 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
diminish both these inconveniences, by depriving the poor
of the right of voting, which certainly they were not empow-
ered to do by the electors their constituents, the majority of
whom were probably people of little property. The act was,
therefore, not only unjust, but void. These lower people
were, immediately afterwards, oppressed by another act,
empowering the justices to fix the hire of day-labourers and
their hours of work, and to send them to the house of correc-
tion if they refused to work for such hire; which was de-
posing them from their condition of freemen, and making
them literally slaves.
But this was taking from many freemen a common right,
and confirming it to a jew. To give it back again to the many
is a different operation. Of this the few have no just cause
to complain, because they still retain the common right they
always had, and they lose only the exclusive additional power
which they ought never to have had. And if they used it,
when they had it, as a means of obtaining money, they should
in justice, were it practicable, be obliged to refund and dis-
tribute such money among those who had been so unjustly
deprived of their right of voting, or forfeit it to the public.
Corporations, therefore, or boroughs, who, from being
originally called to send deputies to Parliament, when it was
considered merely as a duty, and not as a particular privilege,
and therefore was never purchased by any equivalent service
to the public, continue to send, now that by a change of times
it affords them profit in bribes, or emoluments of various
kinds, have in reality no right to such advantages ; which are
besides in effect prejudicial to the nation, some of those who
buy thinking they may also sell.
They should therefore, in justice, be immediately deprived
1785] TO THOMAS BARCLAY 343
of such pretended right, and reduced to the condition of com-
mon freemen.
But they are perhaps too strong, and their interest too
weighty, to permit such justice to be done. And a regard
for public good in these people, influencing a voluntary resig-
nation, is not to be expected.
If that be the case, it may be necessary to submit to the
power of present circumstances, passions, and prejudices,
and purchase, since we can do no better, their consent; as
men, when they cannot otherwise recover property unjustly
detained from them, advertise a reward to whoever will re-
store it, promising that no questions shall be asked.
1573. TO THOMAS BARCLAY (L. c.)
Passy, June 19, 1785.
SIR,
With respect to my continuing to charge £2500 Sterling
per Annum as my Salary, of which you desire some Explana-
tion, I send you, in support of that Charge, the Resolution
of Congress, which is in these words.
"In Congress, October 5th, 1779. Resolved, that each of
the Ministers Plenipotentiary be allowed at the rate of
£2500 Sterling per Annum, and each of their Secretaries at
the rate of £1000 Sterling per Annum, in full for their Ser-
vices and Expences respectively. That the Salary of each
of the said Officers be computed from the time of his leaving
his Place of Abode, to enter on the Duties of his Office, and
be continued three Months after the Notice of his Recall."
344 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
The several Bills I afterwards received, drawn on the
Congress Banker, Mr. Grand, for my Salary, were all cal-
culated on that salary; and neither the Banker nor myself
has receiv'd Notice of any Change respecting me. He has
accordingly, since the Drawing ceas'd, continu'd to pay me
at the same Rate. I have indeed heard that a Resolution
was pass'd last year, that the Salaries of Plenipotentiaries
should be no more than £2,000 Sterling per ann. But that
Resolution, I suppose, can relate only to such Plenipoten-
tiaries as should be afterwards appointed ; for I cannot con-
ceive, that the Congress, after promising a Minister £2500 a
year, and when he has thereby been encourag'd to engage
in a Way of Living for their Honour, which only that Salary
can support, would think it just to diminish it a Fifth, and
leave him under the Difficulty of reducing his Expences pro-
portionably; a thing scarce practicable; the Necessity of
which he might have avoided, if he had not confided in their
original Promise.
But the Article of Salary with all the Rest of my Account
will be submitted to the Judgment of Congress, together with
some other considerable Articles I have not charged, but on
which I shall expect, from their Equity, some Consideration.
If, for want of knowing precisely the Intention of Congress,
what Expences should be deem'd Public, and what not
public, I have charg'd any Article to the Public, which should
be defrayed by me, their banker has my Order, as soon as
the Pleasure of Congress shall be made known to him, to
rectify the Error, by transferring the Amount to my private
Account, and discharging by so much that of the publick.
I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1785] TO — 345
1574. TO - (L.C.)
Passy, June 20, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
I have just received the only letter from you that has given
me pain. It informs me of your intention to attempt passing
to England in the car of a balloon. In the present imper-
fect state of that invention, I think it much too soon to hazard
a voyage of that distance. It is said here by some of those,
who have had experience, that as yet they have not found
means to keep up a balloon more than two hours ; for that,
by now and then losing air to prevent rising too high and
bursting, and now and then discharging ballast to avoid
descending too low ; these means of regulation are exhausted.
Besides this, all the circumstances of danger by disappoint-
ment, in the operation of soupapes, &c. &c., seem not to be
yet well known, and therefore not easily provided against.
For on Wednesday last M. Pilatre de Rosier,1 who had
studied the subject as much as any man, lost his support in
the air, by the bursting of his balloon, or by some other means
we are yet unacquainted with, and fell with his companion2
from the height of one thousand toises, on the rocky coast,
and were both found dashed to pieces.
1 Jean-Francois Pilatre De Rozier (1756-1785) was Professor of Chemistry
at the Athenee royal, of which he was the founder in 1781. With the Marquis
d'Arlandes he made the first balloon ascension (November 21, 1783). He
was killed, June 15, 1785, in the fall of his balloon, near Boulogne sur Mer.
An epitaph was dedicated to him : —
" Ci git un jeune temeraire,
Qui, dans son ge"nereux transport,
De POlympe etonne franchissant la barriere
Y trouva le premier et la gloire et la mort." — ED.
2 A physicist named Romain. — ED.
346 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
You, having lived a good life, do not fear death. But par-
don the anxious freedom of a friend, if he tells you, that, the
continuance of your life being of importance to your family
and your country, though you might laudably hazard it for
their good, you have no right to risk it for a fancy. I pray
God this may reach you in time, and have some effect towards
changing your design; being ever, my dear friend, yours
affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.
1575. TO JEAN- JACQUES CAFFIERI (L. c.)
Passy le 20 Juin 1785
SIR
I received the two obliging Letters you have lately written
to me. Please to deliver one of the Busts to M. le Roy of
the Academy of Sciences, and keep the other till call'd for
by M. Carmichael, Charge* des Affaires des Etats Unis at
Madrid. Send me a Bill of the Expence with a Receipt, and
it shall be immediately paid.
Your Complaints of Injustice, of being supplanted, &c.
seem to have been founded on a Mistake. You have not
considered the 13 States of America as so many distinct
Governments, each of which has a Right to employ what
Artist it thinks proper, and is under no kind of Obligation to
employ one who has been employed before, either by the
Congress or by particular States. The State of Virginia,
therefore, in chusing another, tho' perhaps they may not
have made a better Choice, have certainly done you no In-
justice.
With great Esteem I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1785] TO FRANCIS MASERES 347
1576. TO FRANCIS MASERES1
Passy, June 26, 1785.
SIR,
I have just received your friendly letter of the 2oth instant.
I agree with you perfectly in the opinion, that, though the
contest has been hurtful to both our countries, yet the event,
a separation, is better even for yours than success. The
reducing and keeping us in subjection by an armed force
would have cost you more than the dominion could be worth,
and our slavery would have brought on yours. The ancient
system of the British empire was a happy one, by which the
colonies were allowed to govern and tax themselves. Had it
been wisely continued, it is hard to imagine the degree of
power and importance in the world that empire might have
arrived at. All the means of growing greatness, extent of
territory, agriculture, commerce, arts, population, were
within its own limits, and therefore at its command.
I used to consider that system as a large and beautiful
porcelain vase; I lamented the measures that I saw likely
to break it, and strove to prevent them ; because, once broken,
I saw no probability of its being ever repaired. My en-
deavours did not succeed; we are broken, and the parts
must now do as well as they can for themselves. We may
still do well, though separated. I have great hopes of our
side, and good wishes for yours. The anarchy and confu-
sion you mention, as supposed to prevail among us, exist
only in your newspapers. I have authentic accounts, which
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 461. — ED.
348 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
assure me, that no people were ever better governed, or more
content with their respective constitutions and governments,
than the present Thirteen States of America.
A little reflection may convince any reasonable man, that
a government wherein the administrators are chosen annually
by the free voice of the governed, and may also be recalled
at any time if their conduct displeases their constituents,
cannot be a tyrannical one, as your Loyalists represent it;
who at the same time inconsistently desire to return and live
under it. And, among an intelligent, enlightened people,
as ours is, there must always be too numerous and too strong
a party for supporting good government and the laws, to
suffer what is called anarchy. This better account of our
situation must be pleasing to your humanity, and therefore
I give it you.
But we differ a little in our sentiments respecting the Loyal-
ists (as they call themselves), and the conduct of America
towards them, which, you think, "seems actuated by a spirit
of revenge ; and that it would have been more agreeable to
policy, as well as justice, to have restored their estates upon
their taking the oaths of allegiance to the new governments."
That there should still be some resentment against them in
the breasts of those, who have had their houses, farms, and
towns so lately destroyed, and relations scalped under the con-
duct of these royalists, is not wonderful ; though I believe the
opposition given by many to their reestablishing among us
is owing to a firm persuasion, that there could be no reliance
on their oaths ; and that the effect of receiving those people
again would be an introduction of that very anarchy and
confusion they falsely reproach us with. Even the example
you propose, of the English Commonwealth's restoring the
1785] TO FRANCIS MASERES 349
estates of the royalists after their being subdued, seems rather
to countenance and encourage our acting differently, as prob-
ably if the power, which always accompanies property, had
not been restored to the royalists, if their estates had remained
confiscated, and their persons had been banished, they could
not have so much contributed to the restoration of kingly
power, and the new government of the republic might have
been more durable.
The majority of examples in your history are on the other
side of the question. All the estates in England and south
of Scotland, and most of those possessed by the descendants
of the English in Ireland, are held from ancient confiscations
made of the estates of Caledonians and Britons, the original
possessors in your island, or the native Irish, in the last cen-
tury only. It is but a few months since, that your Parliament
has, in a few instances, given up confiscations incurred by a
rebellion suppressed forty years ago. The war against us was
begun by a general act of Parliament, declaring all our estates
confiscated; and probably one great motive to the loyalty
of the royalists was the hope of sharing in these confiscations.
They have played a deep game, staking their estates against
ours; and they have been unsuccessful. But it is a surer
game, since they had promises to rely on from your govern-
ment, of indemnification in case of loss ; and I see your Par-
liament is about to fulfil those promises. To this I have no
objection, because, though still our enemies, they are men;
they are in necessity; and I think even a hired assassin has
a right to his pay from his employer. It seems too more
reasonable, that the expense of paying these should fall upon
the government who encouraged the mischief done, rather
than upon us who suffered it ; the confiscated estates making
350 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
amends but for a very small part of that mischief. It is not,
therefore, clear, that our retaining them is chargeable with
injustice.
I have hinted above, that the name loyalist was improperly
assumed by these people. Royalists they may perhaps be
called. But the true loyalists were the people of America,
against whom they acted. No people were ever known more
truly loyal, and universally so, to their soverigns. The
Protestant succession in the House of Hanover was their idol.
Not a Jacobite was to be found from one end of the Colonies
to the other. They were affectionate to the people of England,
zealous and forward to assist in her wars, by voluntary con-
tributions of men and money, even beyond their proportion.
The King and Parliament had frequently acknowledged
this by public messages, resolutions, and reimbursements.
But they were equally fond of what they esteemed their
rights ; and, if they resisted when those were attacked, it was
a resistance in favour of a British constitution, which every
Englishman might share in enjoying, who should come to
live among them ; it was resisting arbitrary impositions, that
were contrary to common right and to their fundamental con-
stitutions, and to constant ancient usage. It was indeed a
resistance in favour of the liberties of England, which might
have been endangered by success in the attempt against ours ;
and therefore a great man in your Parliament * did not
scruple to declare, he rejoiced that America had resisted. I,
for the same reason, may add this very resistance to the
other instances of their loyalty. I have already said, that I
think it just you should reward those Americans, who joined
your troops in the war against their own country ; but, if ever
1 The first Lord Chatham. — ED.
1785] TO MRS. MARY HEWSON 351
honesty could be inconsistent with policy, it is so in this
instance. I am, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1577. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (P. c.)
Passy, June 26, 1785.
DEAR FRIEND,
I wrote to you the 5th of last Month, and have since re-
ceived your kind Letter of the 8th, informing me of your
Welfare, and that of the dear Children, which gave me great
Pleasure. I shall long to see you all again in America, where
I hope to be soon. Almost all my things are now packed
up, and will be hi the Barge next Wednesday, to go down
the River; for, though I know not yet what Vessel I shall
go in, I would have every thing at Havre ready to embark;
and I suppose I shall not be here myself a Fortnight longer.
I say nothing to persuade you to go with me or to follow me ;
because I know you do not usually act from Persuasion, but
from Judgment ; and, as that is very sound, I leave you to
yourself. You will do what is best for you and yours, and that
will give me most pleasure. Miss Lamotte's Friends do not
consent to her going to England. I enclose her Letter, by
which you will see, that, tho' she speaks the Language prettily,
she does not write it correctly. Indeed, abundance of the
French are deficient in their own Orthography. I offered her,
as you desir'd, the Money that might be necessary for the
Journey.
Temple is not yet quite well, having had several Returns
of his Ague. Benjamin continues hearty, and has been very
serviceable in Packing. They both present their Respects.
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
352 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
If you should write me a Line before my Departure, direct
it to Havre de Grace. Adieu, my very dear Friend, and
believe me ever yours with sincere and great Affection,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. My love to every one of the Children.
1578. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (P. c.)
Passy, July 4, 1785.
DEAR FRIEND,
By this Post I have given Orders to engage a fine Ship,
now at London, to carry me and my Family to Philadelphia,
My Baggage is already on the Seine, going down to Havre,
from whence, if the Captain cannot call for us there, we shall
cross the Channel, and meet him at Cowes, in the Isle of Wight.
The Ship has a large, convenient Cabin, with good Lodging-
Places. The whole to be at my Disposition, and there is
plenty of room for you and yours. You may never have so
good an Opportunity of passing to America, if it is your Inten-
tion. Think of it, and take your Resolution; believing me
ever your affectionate Friend,
B. FRANKLIN.
P. S. Love to the dear Children. If Mr. Williams is
return'd to London, he will inform you of the particulars.
If not, you may enquire of Wallace, Johnson, and Muir,
Merchants, London, to be heard of at the Pensilvania Coffee-
House, Birchin Lane. The Ship is to be at Cowes the ist
of August.
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
1785] TO CLAUDIUS CRIGAN 353
1579. TO EDWARD BRIDGEN1 (L.C.)
Passy, July 4, 1785
DEAR SIR: — I received your favour of the 28th past.2
Agreeable to your desire, I inform you that I hope to be at
Havre about the 2oth instant. My packages are gone down
the river. Mr. Williams was to ask for my "Transactions
of the Royal Society." If he has not got them I should be
obliged to you to procure and join them to those of the An-
tiquaries. I am not certain that I shall stay long at Havre ;
for if Captain Truxtun cannot call for me there, I must go
over to meet the ship at the Isle of Wight, and be there by the
ist of August. This to yourself ; but you may learn by a dis-
tant question at the Pennsylvania Coffee-House, for your own
government, whether I am to wait at Havre for the ship, or
meet heras above. The person to enquire of is Mr. Johnson,
a Maryland merchant. The books, however, should be put
on board that ship, directed for me at Philadelphia.
With great esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours affec-
tionately, B. FRANKLIN.
1580. TO CLAUDIUS CRIGAN3 (A. p. s.)
Passy, July 5. 1785.
MY LORD,
I received the too complaisant Letter your Lordship did
1 From " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin" (Bigelow), Vol. IX,
p. 139. — ED.
«In A. P. S. — ED.
* Claudius Crigan or Criggan became Bishop of Sodor and Man in 1784,
and died in 1813. He succeeded Bishop Mason. According to Fraser's
VOL. IX — 2 A
354 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
me the honour of writing to me by the Revd Mr. Christian,1
who has also communicated some of your Views for the Bene-
fit of Religion in the United States of America, requesting
my Opinion, which I have given him, but will repeat in this
Letter, lest I should not in every particular have been rightly
apprehended. It is proper to be understood that those States
consist of Thirteen distinct and separate Sovereignties, each
govern'd by its own Laws, in which no one religious Sect is
established as predominant, but there is a general Toleration
of all; and should any thing be enacted by one of them in
favour of a particular Sect, it would have no Operation in the
others. The Congress, tho' formed by Delegates from each
State chosen annually, has Powers extending only to those
general Affairs of political Government that relate to the
Whole, but no Authority whatever is given to them in eccle-
siastical Matters. And I therefore think they will do noth-
ing either to encourage or discourage the Introduction of a
Bishop in America. For myself, I can only say as a private
Person, that I think such an Officer may be of use to the Epis-
copalians, not only for the better Government of their Clergy,
but for preventing the Expence and Risque that attend the
sending their young Men to England for Ordination. He
Magazine, Vol. XXI, p. 558 (April, 1840), his character is thus sketched by a
contemporary writer : —
" Of living characters it is proper to speak with caution, lest adulation or
prejudice should be either seen or suspected : but we scarcely think there is
one person who knows anything of this amiable prelate that will refuse him
the praise of polished and conciliating manners, of sound judgment, and
domestic worth. His pulpit eloquence is impressive, and his labours have not
only tended to the eternal, but also to the temporal happiness of his flock.
He has promoted internal peace, and taught society the blessings of unanimity
and order." — ED.
1 Evan Christian, Vicar general of the Bishop of Sodor and Man, one of
the well-known family of Christians of Milntown in the Isle of Man. — ED.
1785] TO CLAUDIUS CRIGAN 355
should however have Power to consecrate other Bishops,
so as to prevent for ever the Necessity of sending to England
for Successors in that Station, otherwise he will hardly be
so well received. The great Difficulty will be to make proper
Provision for his Support. I doubt whether any of the Gov-
ernments will establish such Support, and I have not much
Confidence that any thing considerable may be obtained by
private Contributions. My Reasons are, that the Episco-
palians in most of the States are very small in Number com-
par'd with the Inhabitants of other Persuasions ; and where
they are a Majority, they do not generally see the Necessity
or Utility of a Resident Bishop, and they apprehend some
Inconveniences in it. Of this there was a strong Instance in
Virginia some years before the late Revolution. The In-
habitants of that Province were almost wholly of the Church
of England, and their House of Commons of course the same.
Yet that House unanimously censured in strong Terms, the
Proposition of some of their own Clergy for introducing a
Bishop, and thank 'd others who oppos'd & defeated the
Project, as may be seen in the following Extract from their
Journal, viz
Friday, July 12. 1772
11 Resolved, nemine contradicente, That the Thanks of the
House be given to the Reverend Mr. Henley, the Reverend Mr.
Gwatkin, the Reverend Mr. Hewit, and the Reverend Mr.
Bland for the wise and well-timed Opposition they have made
to the pernicious Project of a few mistaken Clergymen for
introducing an American Bishop ; a Measure by which much
Disturbance, great Anxiety and Apprehension would certainly
take place among his Majesty's faithful American Subjects:
356 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
And that Mr. Richard Henry Lee and Mr. Bland do acquaint
them therewith."
The Apprehension mentioned in this Resolve, I imagine
must have been, an Apprehension of Expence to maintain a
Bishop suitable to his Dignity, and of Attempts to oblige the
Laity to defray such Expence by Taxes, or Tythes, or at least
of their being solicited for voluntary Contributions : there being
at present no Fund appointed for such Purpose, nor any thing
hitherto given but a Farm by Legacy in Rhodisland. If
however the Laity should have chang'd their Minds, and wish
now to have a Bishop, whom they would engage to support
by voluntary Contributions; in that case I imagine none of
the Governments would forbid it, but the Support would
probably be too small and too precarious to be a sufficient
Encouragement.
Mr. Christian ask'd my Opinion whether your making a
Tour incognito thro' that Country, might not be a prudent
Measure ? Whatever Prospect or Hope there may be of your
greater Usefulness to Religion in our extensive Country
than in the little Isle of Man, yet, as you have a Family, I
certainly cannot advise your making any hasty Application to
your Government for your Removal, or taking any Step that
may hazard the loss of a present sure Support against a con-
tingent Future and precarious. Therefore, to enable your-
self to form a better Judgment, it might be well to see with
your own Eyes the State of Things, and sound the Disposition
of the People ; but I am nevertheless inclined to think, that,
in making the Tour, you will hardly be encouraged to attempt
the Change, unless the Society for Propagating the Gospel,
or the British Government, would fix a sufficient Income to
be paid you from England. Such a Journey may, however,
1785] TO GRANVILLE SHARP 357
contribute to establish Health, as well as pleasingly gratify
the Curiosity of seeing the Progress, which the Arts, Agricul-
ture, Science, and Industry are making in a new Country.
With great Respect, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1581. TO GRANVILLE SHARP1
Passy, July 5, 1785.
DEAR SIR,
I received the books you were so kind as to send me by Mr.
Drown.2 Please to accept my hearty thanks. Your writings,
which always have some public good for their object, I always
read with pleasure. I am perfectly of your opinion, with
respect to the salutary law of gavelkind, and hope it may in
time be established throughout America. In six of the States,
already, the lands of intestates are divided equally among
the children, if all girls; but there is a double share given to
the eldest son, for which I see no more reason, than giving
such share to the eldest daughter; and think there should be
no distinction. Since my being last in France, I have seen
several of our eldest sons, spending idly their fortunes by
residing in Europe and neglecting their own country; these
are from the southern States. The northern young men stay
at home, and are industrious, useful citizens ; the more equal
1 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818), Vol.
I, p. 192. Granville Sharp (1735-1813), philanthropist and pamphleteer.
He started a movement for the introduction of Episcopacy into the United
States. He was aided by Thomas Seeker, archbishop of Canterbury, and for
his efforts in this cause he received honorary degrees from Harvard and
William and Mary. — ED.
8 Solomon Drown, of Providence, Rhode Island, a student of medicine. — ED.
358 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
division of their fathers' fortunes not enabling them to ramble
and spend their shares abroad, which is so much the better
for their country.
I like your piece on the election of bishops. There is a fact
in Holinshed's Chronicles , the latter part relating to Scotland,
which shows, if my memory does not deceive me, that the first
bishop in that country was elected by the clergy. I mentioned
it some time past in a letter to two young men,1 who asked my
advice about obtaining ordination, which had been denied
them by the bishops in England, unless they would take the
oath of allegiance to the King; and I said, I imagine that
unless a bishop is soon sent over with power to consecrate
others, so that we may have no future occasion for applying
to England for ordination, we may think it right, after read-
ing your piece, to elect also.
The Liturgy you mention was an abridgment of that made
by a noble Lord 2 of my acquaintance, who requested me to
assist him by taking the rest of the book, viz. the Catechism
and the reading and singing Psalms. These I abridged by
retaining of the Catechism only the two questions, What is
your duty to God? What is your duty to your neighbour?
with answers. The Psalms were much contracted by leav-
ing out the repetitions (of which I found more than I could
have imagined), and the imprecations, which appeared not
to suit well the Christian doctrine of forgiveness of injuries,
and doing good to enemies. The book was printed for Wilkie,
in St. Paul's Church Yard, but never much noticed. Some
were given away, very few sold, and I suppose the bulk be-
came waste paper. In the prayers so much was retrenched,
1 See the Letter to Messrs. Weems and Gant, July i8th, 1784. — ED.
2 Lord Le Despencer. — ED.
1785] TO DAVID HARTLEY 359
that approbation could hardly be expected; but I think,
with you, a moderate abridgment might not only be useful,
but generally acceptable.1
I am now on the point of departing for America where I
shall be glad occasionally to hear from you, and of your wel-
fare ; being with sincere and great esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
1582. TO DAVID HARTLEY3
Passy, July 5, 1785.
I CANNOT quit the coasts of Europe without taking leave
of my ever dear Friend Mr. Hartley. We were long fellow
labourers in the best of all works, the work of peace. I leave
you still in the field, but having finished my day's task, I am
going home to go to bed! Wish me a good night's rest, as I
do you a pleasant evening. Adieu ! and believe me ever
yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN,
in his 8oth year.
1 On this subject Mr. Sharp had written as follows : " I have been in-
formed, that several years ago, you revised the Liturgy of the Church of
England, with a view, by some few alterations, to promote the more general
use of it; but I have never yet been able to see a Copy of the form you pro-
posed. Our present public Service is certainly, upon the whole, much too
long, as it is commonly used; so that a prudent revision of it, by the common
consent of the Members of the Episcopal Church in America, might be very
advantageous; though, for my own part, I conceive, that the addition of one
single Rubric from the Gospel would be amply sufficient to direct the advisers
to the only corrections that seem to be necessary at present. I mean a general
fluff, illustrated by proper examples, references, and marks, to warn officiat-
ing Ministers how they may avoid ay useless repetitions & tautology in reading
the service." — London, June 17, 1785. (A. P. S.) — ED.
2 From "The Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin" (1818),
Vol. I, p. 194. — ED.
360 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1583. TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS1 (p. c.)
Passy July 5. 1785
DEAR COUSIN
I have just received your Letter from Dublin acquainting
me that you were in Treaty for a Vessel to take me in from
Havre. I have already thro' Mr. Johnson agreed to go with
Capt. Truxton, who is to meet me at Cowes ; so that an Agree-
ment with any other is needless. I am nevertheless oblig'd
by your kind Attention. We are to be at Cowes and sail
from thence the first of August. I hope your Affairs will
allow your joining us there. It is a fine Ship of 400 Tons
with excellent Accommodations for Passengers. Our Lug-
gage is gone down the River and we follow in a few Days.
Your Family was well on Sunday. I am ever
Your affectionate Uncle
B. FRANKLIN
1584. TO COMTE DE SALMES (U.OFP.)
Passy, July 5. 1785.
SIR,
I received the Letter you did me the honour of writing to
me some time since, respecting the Application of Keys to
the Harmonica as contrived by Abbe* Perno ; and requesting
to know if any thing of the kind had been done at Paris, Lon-
don or elsewhere. When I was in London, about 12 years
since, Mr Steele an ingenious Musician there, made an Attempt
1 From the original in the possession of Louis A. Biddle, Esq. — ED.
1785] TO COMTE DE SALMES 361
of that sort; but the Tones were with Difficulty produc'd
by the Touch from the Keys, and the Machinery in Playing
made so much Noise and Rattle, as to diminish greatly the
Pleasure given by the Sound of the Glasses; so that I think
the Instrument was never compleated. The Duchess of -
at Paris about the same time endeavour'd to obtain the same
End, and has not yet laid aside the Project, tho' it has not
hitherto perfectly succeeded. Baron Feriet of Versailles,
began to work on the same Idea about the Time I receiv'd
your Letter ; and as he is a very ingenious Man, & has a hand
to execute as well as a head to contrive the necessary Ma-
chinery, I hoped soon to have given you an Account of his
Success : but I begin to doubt it, as I have nothing from him
lately. In my Manner of Playing on my Instrument the Fin-
gers are capable of Touching with great Delicacy ; and the
Glasses hum so smoothly, that one hears no other Sound but
that given by the touch. If the Instrument of Abbe* Perno has
the same Advantages, its being play'd with Keys gives it an
undoubted Preference, and I should be glad to know the Con-
struction.
I should be happy if I had any thing to send to the Academy
worthy its Acceptance. My Occupations have for some Years
past, prevented my Attention to philosophical Subjects. I
can only wish Success to its laudable Pursuits ; and beg you
to believe me, with sincere Esteem
Sir,
B. FRANKLIN.
362 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1585. TO JOHN PAUL JONES (B. M.)
Passy, July 9, '85.
MR. Franklin presents his Compliments to Commodore
Jones, and sends him what Papers can now be found respect-
ing his Affairs. The Correspondence with the Ministers of
Denmark being pack'd up and gone; but that is not very
material.
Mr. F's best Wishes attend you.
1586. TO CHARLES-JOSEPH MATRON DE LA
COUR1 (A. p. s.)
Passy, July 9, 1785.
SIR,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honour to
write in the name of the Academy of the city of Lyons. I
accept with gratitude the title, with which this learned Society
is kind enough to honour me. I have long been acquainted
with its useful labours. I should be most happy to live near it,
and reap the benefit of its instruction. But, being on the eve
of my departure for America, I must add this also to the many
sources of regret, which the kindness of the French calls forth
in my heart. I shall never forget what I owe to them, still
less what I owe to your Academy, to the members of which
I beg you to present my respectful acknowledgments.
I thank you, Sir, for your Dissertation on the Laws of Ly-
1 From a French copy in A. P. S. — ED.
1785] TO MRS. JANE MECOM 363
curgus, and your Testament de ]ortune Ricard.1 With the latter
work I was already acquainted. I had read it with pleasure,
and conceived a high opinion of its author. I have just read
your Dissertation. If my own approbation could add any thing
to that of the celebrated Academy, which has awarded to you
the prize, I should tell you, that I have been highly gratified,
and that I only regret I can give you no other prize, than the
sentiments of regard and respect, with which I am, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
1587. TO MRS. JANE MECOM2 (P. c.)
St. Germain, 12 Miles from Paris, July 13, '85.
DEAR SISTER
I left Passy, yesterday afternoon, and am here in my Way
to Havre de Grace a Seaport, in order to embark for America.
I make use of one of the King's Litters carried by Mules,
who walk steadily and easily, so that I bear the Motion very
well. I am to be taken on board a Philadelphia Ship on the
Coast of England, (Capt. Truxton) the beginning of next
Month. Not having written to you since that which contain 'd
a Bill for you on M* Vernon, and as I may not have another
Opportunity before my Arrival in Philadelphia, (if it pleases
God I do arrive) I write these Particulars to go by way of
England, that you may be less uneasy about me. I did my
last public Act in this Country just before I set out, which
was signing a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Prussia.
1 A translation of this curious piece was published by Dr. Price in London,
as an Appendix to his Observations on the Importance of the American Revo-
lution. — ED.
2 From the original in the possession of Mr. E. B. Holden. — ED.
364 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
I have continu'd to work till late in the Day : tis time I should
go home, and go to Bed.
My Love to your Daughter and to Cousin Williams, &
believe me ever, my dear Sister,
Your Affectionate Brother
B. FRANKLIN.
Tho' going to my own Country, I leave this with Regret
having receiv'd so much Kindness in it, from all Ranks of
People. Temple and Benjamin are with me, and send their
dutiful Respects.
1588. TO MADAME HELVfiTIUS1 (B. N.)
Au Havre, ce 19 Juillet, '85.
Nous arrivar[m]ons ici, ma tre*s chere amie, hier au soir bien
heureusement. Je n'etois pas fatigue* du tout. Je me
trouvois mieux mSme qu'avant mon Depart. Nous reste-
rons ici quelque jour pour nos Baggages & pour notre Com-
pagnon de Voyage M. Houdon. A leur Arrive'e, nous quit-
terons la France, la Pais du monde que faime le plus; & j'y
laisserois ma chere Helvetia. Elle y peut toe heureux. Je
ne suis sur d'etre heureux in Amerique ; mais il faut que je
m'y rende. II me semble que les choses sont mal arranges
dans ce bas monde, quand je vais que les etres si faites pour
etre heureux ensemble sont obliges a se separer.
J'ai trouve" tant de Difficultes dans ma Projet de passer de
Rouen ici par Eau, que j'etois fort aise de Pavoir obtenu du
1 It should perhaps be noted that the letters to Madame Helvetius were
written by Franklin without correction, and they show what his "having" in
French really was. — ED.
1785] TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN 365
bon Due de Coigny la permission de continuer en Litiere.
Dites a les Abbe's, les bons Abbe's, les choses pour moi,
pleins d'Amitit. Je ne vous dis pas que je vous aime. On
me diroit qu'il n'y a rien d'extraordinaire ni point de merite
en ca, parceque tous le monde vous aime, J'espere seulement
que vous m'aimerez toujours un peu. Je suis interromper
par des Visites. Avant de partir je vous dirai mes dernieres
Adieux.
B. FRANKLIN.
1589. TO BENJAMIN VAUGHAN »
Southampton, 8 o'clock, A. M., July 24, 1785
MY VERY DEAR FRIEND,
I am this minute arrived here with my family from Havre
de Grace ; and shall stay here till Captain Truxtun arrives at
Cowes to take us in.2 I write this line, just to inform you, that
1 First printed by Sparks, Vol. X, p. 217. — ED.
2 Thomas Truxtun, distinguished in the naval annals of the United States,
was born on Long Island, February 1 7th, 1755. He manifested an early predi-
lection for the sea, and made his first voyage when he was twelve years old.
During a part of the Revolution he commanded several private armed vessels,
in which he was successful in annoying the enemy's commerce, particularly on
the coast of England. He signalized himself for courage and skill in two or
three engagements. When the navy was revived, on the prospect of a war
with France, in 1794, Truxtun was one of the six captains first nominated by
Washington to the Senate. He superintended the building of the frigate
Constellation, with which, and a small squadron under his command, he was
employed in protecting the American commerce in the West Indies. It was
here that he fought his celebrated action with the French frigate Insurgente,
on the pth of February, 1799. After an engagement of an hour and a quarter
the Insurgente struck her colors. This vessel carried forty guns, and four
hundred and seventeen men; of whom twenty-nine were killed and forty-four
wounded. The Constellation carried thirty-six guns, and had but one man
killed and two wounded. The gallantry displayed by Commodore Truxtun
on this occasion was highly applauded. — S.
366 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
I bore the journey to Havre, in one of the King's litters, very
well, and the voyage also from thence hither in forty-five
hours, though the wind was a great part of the time contrary.
I shall be glad of a line from you, acquainting me whether you
ever received two pieces I sent you some months since ; one
on your penal laws, the other an account of the residence of
an English seaman in China.1 As you commonly said some-
thing to me concerning the things I used to send you, I appre-
hend you either have not received these, or do not like them.
If you have any thing to say by me to your friends in America,
send it, and I will take care to deliver it. Adieu, my dearest
friend. I am ever yours,
B. FRANKLIN.
1590. TO RUELLAN & CO.2 (L. c.)
Southampton, July 25, 1785.
DEAR SIR: — We arrived here yesterday Morning about
8 o'Clock. I was not in the least incommoded by the Voyage,
but M. Le Veillard and my Grandsons were all very sick upon
the Passage, tho' now recover'd and well.
Capt. Jennings staying here till to-morrow Morning, and
having heard since my coming here that the ship has sailed
from London, I begin to fear it will be impossible for him to
return in time with the rest of my Baggage, supposing it to
be now at Havre.
I have forwarded your Letter of Credit to Messrs. Thel-
lusson,3 and ask'd them to give me a Credit here for Fifty
1 See supra, p. 200. — ED. 2 Bankers at Havre. — ED.
3 Peter Thellusson, Sons & Co., bankers in London. — ED.
1785] TO JEAN HOLKER 367
Guineas, if I should want so much, but as my Stay is like to
be very short, I know not yet whether I shall have occasion to
make any use of it. I am nevertheless extreamly sensible
of the Kindness and Generosity of your Proceeding in that
Letter, as well as in every other Point of your Friendly En-
tertainment and good Offices at Havre, and the Provision
you laid in for us. I can at present only offer in return my
thankfull Acknowledgments, requesting that if at any time
I can be of any use to you in America, or to any Friend of yours,
you would be so good as to command me freely. Be pleased
to present my respectful Compliments to good Made Ruellan.
I hope the Children are better.
I write to Mr. Limozin,1 desiring him to forward my Goods
by the Pacquet, in Case the next sails from Havre, as has been
said, and no Vessel offers sooner that goes directly to Phila-
delphia. If I remember right, the Regulations of the Pac-
quets forbid their taking heavy Goods, but I suppose you may
be able to obtain Permission for mine, which will be an addi-
tional Favour. With great Esteem, etc.,
B. FRANKLIN
1591. TO JEAN HOLKER (L. c.)
Southampton, July 25, 1785
MY DEAR FRIEND : — I know it will give you and good Mrs.
Holker Pleasure, to learn that we arrived safe and well here
yesterday Morning, neither the Journey by Land nor Voyage
by sea having incommoded me in the least. I have given you
abundance of Trouble with my little Affairs, and am loth to
1 Andre Limozin, Havre banker, and United States agent for prizes. — ED.
368 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
give you any more, but cannot well avoid requesting you
would be so kind as to show the inclos'd Account to Mr.
Garvey when he returns to Rouen, and represent to him that
the Charge his Nephew makes of Commissions, three Livres
per Box, only for the Care of having my 128 Boxes mov'd out
of one Boat into another, appears to me exorbitant, amount-
ing to 390 Livres, near as much as the Expence of bringing
them from Paris to Rouen, and three times as much as has
been demanded of me for their Freight between Havre and
Cowes, loading and discharging included. If Mr. Garvey
confirms the Charge, which I think he hardly will, let him
say so at the Bottom of the Account, and then send it with this
Letter to Mr. Grand, whom I hereby desire and authorize
to pay it ; because I would not leave any just Claim upon me
remaining in France ; tho' I should wish to know if there are
any Circumstances I am unacquainted with that can make
such a Charge appear reasonable. God bless you both, my
dear Friends, and believe me ever, with a Heart deeply sensible
of all your kindness, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1592. TO FERDINAND GRAND (L. c.)
Southampton, July 25, 1785
DEAR SIR : — I wrote a few lines to you per Post yesterday
morning, to acquaint you with my Arrival here, not in the
least incommoded by the Journey and Voyage, but rather
better than I have been for a long time since.
Our Goods that were sent down the River had not arrived
at Havre when we left that Place, and as I learn here that our
1785] TO FERDINAND GRAND 369
Ship was at Gravesend the 22d. and expected to be in the
Downs yesterday evening, she may be here to-morrow, so
that I now almost despair of getting them at Cowes in time to
go in her, and they must be forwarded in the August Pacquet
if that sails from Havre, or wait some other Opportunity.
To me the Disappointment will not be much, as the things I
most immediately want came down by the Roulier, and are
with me, but Mr. Houdon will be at a loss for his Clay, etc.
Mr. Limozin has the Care of receiving and forwarding our
things ; but the Business not being finish'd I could not settle
the Account with him, but have directed him to exhibit it to
you, and I desire you would pay it. The Person who manages
Mr. Garvey's Business in his absence has made a heavy
Charge against me as his Commission. I have sent the Ac-
count to Mr. Holker, desiring he would show it to Mr. Gar-
vey on his Return and acquaint him that I think that Charge
enormous ; but if he confirms it, then to send the account to
you with my Letter in which I desire you to pay it.
To assist my Grandson in a Purchase he is making of his
Father now here, perhaps I may draw on you in favour of
the Father for Forty-eight thousand Livres, at 30 Days'
Sight ; in which Case I would have you to sell Six of my Ac-
tions of the Caisse d'Escompte, and add to the Product of that
sale as much out of the Ballance of my Account now in your
hands as will make up the sum of 48,000 Livres.
My best Wishes attend you and yours, being with sincere
esteem, Dear Sir, your most obliged Friend and humble
Serv*, B. FRANKLIN.
VOL. IX — 2 B
370 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1593. TO ANDRE LIMOZIN (L. c.)
Southampton, July 25, 1785.
SIR : — We arrived here on Sunday morning about 7 o'clock.
I was not in the least incommoded by the voyage, but my chil-
dren and my friend Mr. Veillard were very sick.
I have just learned that our ship was at Gravesend the 22nd
and expected to be in the Downs yesterday, and therefore may
be here sooner than was at first proposed, so that I have now
no hopes of the goods being here in time to go in her. I there-
fore hereby desire you would forward them to New York
in the packet, in case a packet sails from Havre next month,
as has been proposed, and you have no vessel to sail directly
for Philadelphia. The packets are indeed by the original
regulations not allowed to take heavy goods upon freight,
but I am persuaded Mr. Ruellan will at your request obtain
the permission. I write to Mr. Grand to pay your account
against me for disbursements and commission. And I
desire you besides to accept my thankful acknowledgments.
My best wishes attend you and your amiable daughter, being
with great regard, sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant, B. FRANKLIN.
1594. TO MRS. MARY HEWSON1 (p. c.)
Southampton, July 26, 1785.
DEAR FRIEND,
I received here yours of the 23d Instant. I am sorry it did
not suit you to go in the Ship with me, having engaged Places
1 From the original in the possession of T. Hewson Bradford, M.D. — ED.
1785] TO J. COAKLEY LETTSOM 371
in the Cabin, that would have accommodated you and yours,
not indeed on your Account, because I never depended on your
going; but I took the whole Cabin, that I might not be in-
truded on by any accidental disagreable Company.
If you come to Philadelphia, you will find an always affec-
tionate Friend in me, and in my Children after I am gone.
My Love to yours, and to Dolly; and my Respects to Mrs.
Hawkesworth. I came to Havre de Grace in a Litter, and
hither in the Pacquet-Boat ; and, instead of being hurt by
the Journey or Voyage, I really find myself very much better,
not having suffer'd so little for the time these two Years past.
Adieu, my dear Friend; accept my repeated Thanks for
the agreable Winter your kind Company, with that of my
young Friends, made me pass, and believe me ever yours
sincerely and most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN.
1595. TO J. COAKLEY LETTSOM1
Southampton, July 26, 1785
DEAR SIR : — I received your kind letter, and the valuable
present of Dr. Fothergill's Works ; for which please to accept
my grateful acknowledgments. I purpose, on my voyage,
to write the remaining notes of my life, which you desire, and
to send them to you on my arrival. You have done a good
deed in contributing to promote science among us, by your
liberal donation of books to Carlisle College. Thanks for
your good wishes in favour of our country, and of your friend
and servant. B. FRANKLIN.
1 From " The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin " (Bigelow), Vol. IX,
p. ISS.-ED.
372 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
1596. TO MADAME HELVETIUS (B. N.)
A Southampton, 27 Juillet 1785
En Angleterre, pres 1'Isle de Wight.
Notre Vaisseau arrivait ici hier de Londres. Aujourdhui
nous nous embarquerons. Adieu, ma tr6s tre*s tr6s chere
Amie, Souhaitez pour nous bon Voyage, & dites aux bons
Abbe's de prier pour nous, cela etant leur Metier. Je me
trouve tres bien. Si j'arrive en Amerique vous aurez bientot
de mes Nouvelles. Je vous aimerai toujours, penses quelque-
fois de moi, & ecrires quelquefois a
Votre B. F.
Mes Enfans presentans leurs Respects.
1597. TO DAVID LE ROY1
MARITIME OBSERVATIONS
At Sea, on board the London Packet,
Capt. Truxton, August 1785.
SIR,
Your learned writings on the navigation of the antients,
which contain a great deal of curious information ; and your
1 This letter was translated into French, and published at Paris in the
year 1787, entitled, " Lettre de Monsieur Benjamin Franklin a Monsieur
David Le Roy, Membre de Plusieurs Academies, &*c." The following note is
prefixed by the French editor. — " Cette lettre a ete lue a la Societe Philo-
sophique Americaine de Philadelphia, le 2 Decembre, 1785. Elle est imprimee
dans les Memoires de cette Societe. On lit dans le titre, a M. Alphonse Le
Roy. Comme cet Academicien ne se nomme pas Alphonse, nous y avons
substitue 1'un de ses noms de baptlme. II est de 1'Academie des Belles-
Lettres, de celle de Marine, de la Societe des Antiquaires de Londres, de la
Societe Philosophique Americaine, &c." It is here printed from "Transac-
tions of The American Philosophical Society," Vol. II (1786), p. 294. — ED.
Plat*- XII
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 373
very ingenious contrivances for improving the modern sails
(voilure), of which I saw with great pleasure a successful
trial on the river Seine, have induced me to submit to your con-
sideration and judgment, some thoughts I have had on the
latter subject.
Those mathematicians who have endeavoured to improve
the swiftness of vessels by calculating to find the form of least
resistance, seem to have considered a ship as a body moving
through one fluid only, the water; and to have given little
attention to the circumstance of her moving through another
fluid, the air. It is true, that, when a vessel sails right before
the wind, this circumstance is of no importance, because the
wind goes with her ; but, in every deviation from that course,
the resistance of the air is something, and becomes greater
in proportion as that deviation increases. I wave at present
the consideration of those different degrees of resistance
given by the air to that part of the hull which is above water,
and confine myself to that given to the sails ; for their motion
through the air is resisted by the air, as the motion of the hull
through the water is resisted by the water, though with less
force as the air is a lighter fluid. And, to simplify the dis-
cussion as much as possible, I would state one situation only,
to wit, that of the wind upon the beam, the ship's course
being directly across the wind ; and I would suppose the sail
set in an angle of forty-five degrees with the keel, as in the
following figure; wherein (Plate XII. Fig. i,) A B represents
the body of the vessel, C D the position of the sail, E E E the
direction of the wind, M M the line of motion. In observing
this figure it will appear, that so much of the body of the vessel
as is immersed in the water must, to go forward, remove out
of its way what water it meets with between the pricked lines
374 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
F F. And the sail, to go forward, must move out of its way
all the air its whole dimension meets with between the pricked
lines C G and D G. Thus both the fluids give resistance to
the motion, each in proportion to the quantity of matter
contained in the dimension to be removed. And though the
air is vastly lighter than the water, and therefore more easily
removed, yet, the dimension being much greater, its effect is
very considerable.
It is true, that, in the case stated, the resistance given by
the air between those lines to the motion of the sail is not
apparent to the eye, because the greater force of the wind, which
strikes it in the direction E E E, overpowers its effect, and
keeps the sail full in the curve a, a, a, a, a. But suppose the
wind to cease, and the vessel in a calm to be impelled with the
same swiftness by oars, the sail would then appear filled in
the contrary curve ft, b, b, b, b, when prudent men would
immediately perceive, that the air resisted its motion, and
would order it to be taken in.
Is there any possible means of diminishing this resistance,
while the same quantity of sail is exposed to the action of the
wind, and therefore the same force obtained from it ? I think
there is, and that it may be done by dividing the sail into a
number of parts, and placing those parts in a line one behind
the other; thus instead of one sail extending from C to D,
figure 2, if four sails, containing together the same quantity
of canvass, were placed as in figure 3, each having one quarter
of the dimensions of the great sail, and exposing a quarter of
its surface to the wind, would give a quarter of the force;
so that the whole force obtained from the wind would be the
same, while the resistance from the air would be nearly reduced
to the space between the pricked lines a b and c d, before the
foremost sail.
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 375
It may perhaps be doubted whether the resistance from the
air would be so diminished ; since possibly each of the follow-
ing small sails having also air before it, which must be re-
moved, the resistance on the whole would be the same.
This is then a matter to be determined by experiment.
I will mention one, that I many years since made with success
for another purpose; and I will propose another small one
easily made. If that too succeeds, I should think it worth
while to make a larger, though at some expence, on a river
boat; and perhaps time and the improvements experience
will afford, may make it applicable with advantage to larger
vessels.
Having near my kitchen chimney a round hole of eight
inches diameter, through which was a constant steady current
of air, increasing or diminishing only as the fire increased or
diminished, I contrived to place my jack so as to receive that
current ; and taking off the flyers, I fixed in their stead on the
same pivot a round tin plate of nearly the same diameter with
the hole ; and having cut it in radial lines almost to the centre,
so as to have six equal vanes, I gave to each of them the ob-
liquity of forty-five degrees. They moved round, without
the weight, by the impression only of the current of air, but
too slowly for the purpose of roasting. I suspected that the
air struck by the back of each vane might possibly by its
resistance retard the motion ; and to try this, I cut each of them
into two, and I placed the twelve, each having the same ob-
liquity, in a line behind each other, when I perceived a great
augmentation in its velocity, which encouraged me to divide
them once more, and, continuing the same obliquity, I placed
the twenty-four behind each other in a line, when the force
of the wind being the same, and the surface of vane the same,
376 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
they moved round with much greater rapidity, and perfectly
answered my purpose.
The second experiment that I propose, is, to take two play-
ing cards of the same dimensions, and cut one of them trans-
versely into eight equal pieces ; then with a needle string them
upon two threads, one near each end, and place them so upon
the threads that, when hung up, they may be one exactly
over the other, at a distance equal to their breadth, each in a
horizontal position; and let a small weight, such as a bird-
shot, be hung under them, to make them fall in a straight line
when let loose. Suspend also the whole card by threads
from its four corners, and hang to it an equal weight, so as
to draw it downwards when let fall, its whole breadth pressing
against the air. Let those two bodies be attached, one of
them to one end of a thread a yard long, the other to the other
end. Extend a twine under the ceiling of a room, and put
through it at thirty inches distance two pins bent in the form
of fish-hooks. On these two hooks hang the two bodies,
the thread that connects them extending parallel to the twine,
which thread being cut, they must begin to fall at the same in-
stant. If they take equal time in falling to the floor, it is a
proof that the resistance of the air is in both cases equal. If
the whole card requires a longer time, it shows that the sum
of the resistances to the pieces of the cut card is not equal to
the resistance of the whole one.1
This principle so far confirmed, I would proceed to make
a larger experiment, with a shallop, which I would rig in
this manner. (Plate XII. Fig. 4.) A B is a long boom,
1 The motion of the vessel made it convenient to try this simple experi-
ment at sea, when the proposal of it was written. But it has been tried since
we came on shore, and succeeded as the other. — F.
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 377
from which are hoisted seven jibs, a, 6, c, d, ey /, g, each a
seventh part of the whole dimensions, and as much more as
will fill the whole space when set in an angle of forty-five
degrees, so that they may lap when going before the wind,
and hold more wind when going large. Thus rigged, when
going right before the wind, the boom should be brought at
right angles with the keel, by means of the sheet ropes C D,
and all the sails hauled flat to the boom.
These positions of boom and sails to be varied as the wind
quarters. But when the wind is on the beam, or when you
would turn to windward, the boom is to be hauled right fore
and aft, and the sails trimmed according as the wind is more
or less against your course.
It seems to me, that the management of a shallop so rigged
would be very easy, the sails being run up and down separately,
so that more or less sail may be made at pleasure ; and I
imagine, that there being full as much sail exposed to the
force of the wind which impels the vessel in its course, as if
the whole were in one piece, and the resistance of the dead
air against the foreside of the sail being diminished, the
advantage of swiftness would be very considerable; besides
that the vessel would lie nearer the wind.
Since we are on the subject of improvements hi navigation,
permit me to detain you a little longer with a small relative
observation. Being, in one of my voyages, with ten merchant
ships under convoy of a frigate at anchor in Torbay, waiting
for a wind to go to the westward, it came fair, but brought in
with it a considerable swell. A signal was given for weigh-
ing, and we put to sea all together; but three of the ships left
their anchors, their cables parting just as the anchors came
a-peak. Our cable held, and we got up our anchor ; but the
378 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
shocks the ship felt before the anchor got loose from the
ground, made me reflect on what might possibly have caused
the breaking of the other cables ; and I imagined it might be
the short bending of the cable just without the hawse-hole,
from a horizontal to an almost vertical position, and the sudden
violent jerk it receives by the rising of the head of the ship on
the swell of a wave while in that position. For example,
suppose a vessel hove up so as to have her head nearly over
her anchor, which still keeps its hold, perhaps in a tough
bottom ; if it were calm, the cable still out would form nearly
a perpendicular line, measuring the distance between the
hause-hole and the anchor ; but if there is a swell, her head in
the trough of the sea will fall below the level, and when lifted
on the wave will be much above it. In the first case the cable
will hang loose and bend perhaps as in figure 5 . In the second
case, figure 6, the cable will be drawn straight with a jerk,
must sustain the whole force of the rising ship, and must either
loosen the anchor, resist the rising force of the ship, or break.
But why does it break at the hause-hole ?
Let us suppose it a cable of three inches diameter, and
represented by figure 7. If this cable is to be bent round the
corner A, it is evident that either the part of the triangle con-
tained between the letters a, 6, c, must stretch considerably,
and those most that are nearest the surface ; or that the parts
between d, e, /, must be compressed; or both, which most
probably happens. In this case, the lower half of the thick-
ness affords no strength against the jerk, it not being strained,
the upper half bears the whole, and the yarns near the upper
surface being first and most strained, break first, and the next
yarns follow ; for in this bent situation they cannot bear the
strain all together, and each contribute its strength to the
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 379
whole, as they do when the cable is strained in a straight
line.
To remedy this, methinks it would be well to have a kind
of large pulley wheel, fixed in the hause-hole, suppose of two
feet diameter, over which the cable might pass; and, being
there bent gradually to the round of the wheel, would thereby
be more equally strained, and better able to bear the jerk,
which may save the anchor, and by that means in the course
of the voyage may happen to save the ship.
One maritime observation more shall finish this letter.
I have been a reader of newspapers now near seventy years,
and I think few years pass without an account of some vessel
met with at sea, with no living soul on board, and so many
feet of water in her hold, which vessel has nevertheless been
saved and brought into port ; and when not met with at sea,
such forsaken vessels have often come ashore on some coast.
The crews, who have taken to their boats and thus abandoned
such vessels, are sometimes met with and taken up at sea by
other ships, sometimes reach a coast, and are sometimes never
heard of. Those that give an account of quitting their vessels
generally say, that she sprung a leak, that they pumped for
some time, that the water continued to rise upon them, and
that, despairing to save her, they had quitted her, lest they
should go down with her. It seems by the event that this
fear was not always well founded, and I have endeavoured
to guess at the reason of the people's too hasty discourage-
ment.
When a vessel springs a leak near her bottom, the water
enters with all the force given by the weight of the column
of water without, which force is in proportion to the difference
of level between the water without and that within. It enters
380 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
therefore with more force at first and in greater quantity,
than it can afterwards when the water within is higher. The
bottom of the vessel too is narrower, so that the same quan-
tity of water coming into that narrow part, rises faster than
when the space for it to flow in is larger. This helps to
terrify. But, as the quantity entering is less and less as the
surfaces without and within become more nearly equal in
height, the pumps, that could not keep the water from rising
at first, might afterwards be able to prevent its rising higher,
and the people might have remained on board in safety,
without hazarding themselves in an open boat on the wide
ocean. (Fig. 8.)
Besides the greater equality in the height of the two sur-
faces, there may sometimes be other causes that retard the
farther sinking of a leaky vessel. The rising water within
may arrive at quantities of light wooden work, empty chests,
and particularly empty water-casks, which if fixed so as not
to float themselves may help to sustain her. Many bodies
which compose a ship's cargo may be specifically lighter than
water; all these when out of water are an additional weight
to that of the ship, and she is in proportion pressed deeper into
the water; but, as soon as these bodies are immersed, they
weigh no longer on the ship, but on the contrary, if fixed, they
help to support her, in proportion as they are specifically
lighter than the water. And it should be remembered, that
the largest body of a ship may be so balanced in the water,
that an ounce less or more of weight may leave her at the sur-
face or sink her to the bottom. There are also certain heavy
cargoes, that, when the water gets at them, are continually
dissolving, and thereby lightening the vessel, such as salt and
sugar. And as to water-casks, mentioned above, since the
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 381
quantity of them must be great in ships of war, where the
number of men consume a great deal of water every day, if it
had been made a constant rule to bung them up as fast as
they were emptied, and to dispose the empty casks in proper
situations, I am persuaded that many ships which have been
sunk in engagements, or have gone down afterwards, might
with the unhappy people have been saved ; as well as many
of those which in the last war foundered, and were never
heard of. While on this topic of sinking, one cannot help
recollecting the well-known practice of the Chinese, to divide
the hold of a great ship into a number of separate chambers
by partitions tight caulked (of which you gave a model in your
boat upon the Seine), so that, if a leak should spring in one
of them, the others are not affected by it; and, though that
chamber should fill to a level with the sea, it would not be
sufficient to sink the vessel. We have not imitated this prac-
tice. Some little disadvantage it might occasion in the stow-
age, is perhaps one reason, though that I think might be more
than compensated by an abatement in the insurance that
would be reasonable, and by a higher price taken of passen-
gers, who would rather prefer going in such a vessel. But our
seafaring people are brave, despise danger, and reject such
precautions of safety, being cowards only in one sense, that
of Bearing to be thought ajraid.
I promised to finish my letter with the last observation,
but the garrulity of the old man has got hold of me, and, as I
may never have another occasion of writing on this subject,
I think I may as well now, once for all, empty my nautical
budget, and give you all the thoughts that have in my
various long voyages occurred to me relating to navigation.
I am sure, that in you they will meet with a candid judge,
382 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
who will excuse my mistakes on account of my good inten-
tion.
There are six accidents, that may occasion the loss of ships
at sea. We have considered one of them, that of foundering
by a leak. The other five are, i. Oversetting by sudden
flaws of wind, or by carrying sail beyond the bearing.
2. Fire by accident or carelessness. 3. A heavy stroke of
lightning, making a breach in the ship, or firing the powder.
4. Meeting and shocking with other ships in the night.
5. Meeting in the night with islands of ice.
To that of oversetting, privateers in their first cruise have,
as far as has fallen within my knowledge or information, been
more subject than any other kind of vessels. The double
desire of being able to overtake a weaker flying enemy, or
to escape when pursued by a stronger, has induced the
owners to overmast their cruizers, and to spread too much
canvas ; and the great number of men, many of them not sea-
men, who, being upon deck when a ship heels suddenly, are
huddled down to leeward, and increase by their weight the
effect of the wind. This therefore should be more attended
to and guarded against, especially as the advantage of lofty
masts is problematical. For the upper sails have greater
power to lay a vessel more on her side, which is not the most
advantageous position for going swiftly through the water.
And hence it is, that vessels, which have lost their lofty masts,
and been able to make little more sail afterwards than per-
mitted the ship to sail upon an even keel, have made so much
way, even under jury masts, as to surprise the mariners them-
selves. But there is, besides, something in the modern form
of our ships, that seems as if calculated expressly to allow
their oversetting more easily. The sides of a ship, instead of
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 383
spreading out as they formerly did in the upper works, are
of late years turned in, so as to make the body nearly round,
and more resembling a cask. I do not know what the ad-
vantages of this construction are, except that such ships are
not easily boarded. To me it seems a contrivance to have less
room in a ship at nearly the same expense. For it is evident,
that the same timber and plank consumed in raising the sides
from a to ft, and from d to c, would have raised them from a to
e, and from d to /, fig. 9. In this form all the spaces between
e, a, by and c, d, /, would have been gained, the deck would
have been larger, the men would have had more room to act,
and not have stood so thick in the way of the enemy's shot ;
and the vessel, the more she was laid down on her side, the more
bearing she would meet with, and more effectual to support
her, as being farther from the centre. Whereas, in the pres-
ent form, her ballast makes the chief part of her bearing,
without which she would turn in the sea almost as easily as a
barrel. More ballast by this means becomes necessary, and
that, sinking a vessel deeper in the water, occasions more re-
sistance to her going through it. The Bermudian sloops still
keep with advantage to the old spreading form.
The islanders in the great Pacific ocean, though they have
no large ships, are the most expert boat-sailors in the world,
navigating that sea safely with their proas, which they prevent
oversetting by various means. Their sailing proas for this
purpose have outriggers generally to windward, above the
water, on which, one or more men are placed, to move occa-
sionally further from or nearer to the vessel as the wind
freshens or slackens. But some have their outriggers to
leeward, which, resting on the water, support the boat so as
to keep her upright when pressed down by the wind. Their
384 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
boats, moved by oars or rather by paddles, are, for long
voyages, fixed two together by cross bars of wood that keep
them at some distance from each other, and so render their
oversetting next to impossible. How far this may be prac-
ticable in larger vessels, we have not yet sufficient experience.
I know of but one trial made in Europe, which was about one
hundred years since, by Sir William Petty. He built a double
vessel, to serve as a pacquet-boat between England and Ire-
land. Her model still exists in the museum of the Royal
Society, where I have seen it. By the accounts we have of
her, she answered well the purpose of her construction, mak-
ing several voyages ; and, though wrecked at last by a storm,
the misfortune did not appear owing to her particular con-
struction, since many other vessels of the common form were
wrecked at the same time. The advantage of such a vessel
is, that she needs no ballast, therefore swims either lighter
or will carry more goods; and that passengers are not so
much incommoded by her rolling; to which may be added,
that if she is to defend herself by her cannon, they will prob-
ably have more effect, being kept more generally in a horizontal
position, than those in common vessels. I think, however,
that it would be an improvement of that model, to make the
sides which are opposed to each other perfectly parallel,
though the other sides are formed as in common, thus,
figure 10.
The building of a double ship would indeed be more ex-
pensive in proportion to her burthen ; and that perhaps is
sufficient to discourage the method.
The accident of fire is generally well guarded against by the
prudent captain's strict orders against smoking between decks,
or carrying a candle there out of a lantern. But there is one
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 385
dangerous practice which frequent terrible accidents have
not yet been sufficient to abolish ; that of carrying store spirits
to sea hi casks. Two large ships, the Seraphis and the Duke
oj Athol, one an East Indiaman, the other a frigate, have been
burnt within these two last years, and many lives miserably
destroyed, by drawing spirits out of a cask near a candle.
It is high time to make it a general rule, that all the ship's
store of spirits should be carried in bottles.
The misfortune by a stroke of lightning I have in my former
writings endeavoured to show a method of guarding against,
by a chain and pointed rod, extending, when run up, from
above the top of the mast to the sea. These instruments are
now made and sold at a reasonable price by Nairne &* Co.
in London, and there are several instances of success attend-
ing the use of them. They are kept in a box, and may be run
up and fixed in about five minutes, on the apparent approach
of a thunder-gust.
Of the meeting and shocking with other ships in the night,
I have known two instances in voyages between London and
America. In one, both ships arrived, though much damaged,
each reporting their belief that the other most have gone to the
bottom. In the other, only one got to port; the other was
never afterwards heard of. These instances happened many
years ago, when the commerce between Europe and America
was not a tenth part of what it is at present, ships of course
thinner scattered, and the chance of meeting proportionably
less. It has long been the practice to keep a look-out before
in the channel, but at sea it has been neglected. If it is not at
present thought worth while to take that precaution, it will
in time become of more consequence; since the number of
ships at sea is continually augmenting. A drum frequently
VOL. IX — 3C
386 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
beat, or a bell rung in a dark night, might help to prevent such
accidents.
Islands of ice are frequently seen off the banks of New-
foundland by ships going between North America and Europe.
In the day time they are easily avoided, unless in a very thick
fog. I remember two instances of ships running against them
in the night. The first lost her bowsprit, but received little
other damage. The other struck where the warmth of the
sea had wasted the ice next to it, and a part hung over above.
This perhaps saved her, for she was under great way; but
the upper part of the cliff, taking her foretopmast, broke the
shock, though it carried away the mast. She disengaged her-
self with some difficulty, and got safe into port ; but the acci-
dent shows the possibility of other ships being wrecked and
sunk by striking those vast masses of ice, of which I have seen
one that we judged to be seventy feet high above the water,
consequently eight times as much under water; and it is
another reason for keeping a good look-out before, though far
from any coast that may threaten danger.
It is remarkable, that the people we consider as savages,
have improved the art of sailing and rowing boats in several
points beyond what we can pretend to.
We have no sailing boats equal to the flying proas of the
South Seas, no rowing or paddling boat equal to that of the
Greenlanders, for swiftness and safety. The birch canoes of
the North American Indians have also some advantageous
properties. They are so light that two men may carry one of
them over land, which is capable of carrying a dozen upon the
water; and in heeling they are not so subject to take in water
as our boats, the sides of which are lowest in the middle where
it is most likely to enter, this being highest in that part, as in
figure ii.
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 387
The Chinese are an enlightened people, the most antiently
civilized of any existing, and their arts are antient, a presump-
tion in their favour ; their method of rowing their boats differs
from ours, the oars being worked either two a- stern, as we
scull, or on the sides with the same kind of motion, being hung
parallel to the keel on a rail, and always acting in the water,
not perpendicular to the side, as ours are, nor lifted out at
every stroke, which is a loss of time, and the boat in the inter-
val loses motion. They see our manner, and we theirs, but
neither are disposed to learn of or copy the other.
To the several means of moving boats mentioned above,
may be added the singular one lately exhibited at Javelle,
on the Seine below Paris, where a clumsy boat was moved
across that river in three minutes by rowing, not in the water,
but in the air, that is, by whirling round a set of windmill
vanes fixed to a horizontal axis, parallel to the keel, and placed
at the head of the boat. The axis was bent into an elbow at
the end, by the help of which it was turned by one man at a
time. I saw the operation at a distance. The four vanes
appeared to be about five feet long, and perhaps two and a
half wide. The weather was calm. The labour appeared
to be great for one man, as the two several times relieved each
other. But the action upon the air by the oblique surfaces
of the vanes must have been considerable, as the motion of the
boat appeared tolerably quick going and returning; and she
returned to the same place from whence she first set out, not-
withstanding the current. This machine is since applied to
the moving of air-balloons: An instrument similar may be
contrived to move a boat by turning under water.
Several mechanical projectors have at different times pro-
posed to give motion to boats, and even to ships, by means of
388 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
circular rowing, or paddles placed on the circumference of
wheels to be turned constantly on each side of the vessel;
but this method, though frequently tried, has never been found
so effectual as to encourage a continuance of the practice.
I do not know that the reason has hitherto been given. Per-
haps it may be this, that great part of the force employed con-
tributes little to the motion. For instance, (fig. 12) of the four
paddles a, b, c, d, all under water, and turning to move a boat
from X to Y, c has the most power, b nearly though not quite
as much, their motion being nearly horizontal ; but the force
employed in moving #, is consumed in pressing almost down-
right upon the water till it comes to the place of b ; and the
force employed in moving d is consumed in lifting the water
till d arrives at the surface ; by which means much of the la-
bour is lost. It is true, that by placing the wheels higher out
of the water, this waste labour will be diminished in a calm,
but where a sea runs, the wheels must unavoidably be often
dipped deep in the waves, and the turning of them thereby
rendered very laborious to little purpose.
Among the various means of giving motion to a boat, that
of M. Bernoulli appears one of the most singular, which was
to have fixed in the boat a tube in the form of an L, the upright
part to have a funnel- kind of opening at top, convenient for
filling the tube with water; which, descending and passing
through the lower horizontal part, and issuing in the middle
of the stern, but under the surface of the river, should push the
boat forward. There is no doubt that the force of the de-
scending water would have a considerable effect, greater in
proportion to the height from which it descended ; but then it
is to be considered, that every bucket-full pumped or dipped
up into the boat, from its side or through its bottom, must have
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 389
its vis inertia overcome so as to receive the motion of the boat,
before it can come to give motion by its descent ; and that will
be a deduction from the moving power. To remedy this, I
would propose the addition of another such L pipe, and that
they should stand back to back in the boat thus, figure 13;
the forward one being worked as a pump, and sucking in the
water at the head of the boat, would draw it forward while
pushed in the same direction by the force at the stern. And
after all it should be calculated whether the labour of pumping
would be less than that of rowing. A fire-engine might pos-
sibly in some cases be applied in this operation with advan-
tage.
Perhaps this labour of raising water might be spared, and
the whole force of a man applied to the moving of a boat by
the use of air instead of water. Suppose the boat constructed
in this form, figure 14. A, a tube round or square of two feet
diameter, in which a piston may move up and down. The
piston to have valves in it, opening inwards to admit air when
the piston rises ; and shutting, when it is forced down by means
of the lever B turning on the centre C. The tube to have a
valve Z>, to open when the piston is forced down, and let the
air pass out at £, which striking forcibly against the water
abaft must push the boat forward. If there is added an air-
vessel F properly valved and placed, the force would continue
to act while a fresh stroke is taken with the lever. The boat-
man might stand with his back to the stern, and putting his
hands behind him, work the motion by taking hold of the
cross bar at By while another should steer ; or, if he had two
such pumps, one on each side of the stern, with a lever for
each hand, he might steer himself by working occasionally
more or harder with either hand, as watermen now do with
390 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
a pair of sculls. There is no position in which the body of
a man can exert more strength than in pulling right up-
wards.
To obtain more swiftness, greasing the bottom of a vessel
is sometimes used, and with good effect. I do not know
that any writer has hitherto attempted to explain this. At
first sight, one would imagine, that, though the friction of a
hard body, sliding on another hard body, and the resistance
occasioned by that friction, might be diminished by putting
grease between them, yet that a body sliding on a fluid, such
as water, should have no need of, nor receive, any advantage
from such greasing. But the fact is not disputed. And the
reason perhaps may be this. The particles of water have a
mutual attraction, called the attraction of adhesion. Water
also adheres to wood, and to many other substances, but not
to grease ; on the contrary they have a mutual repulsion, so
that it is a question whether when oil is poured on water, they
ever actually touch each other ; for a drop of oil upon water,
instead of sticking to the spot where it falls, as it would if it
fell on a looking-glass, spreads instantly to an immense dis-
tance in a film extremely thin, which it could not easily do if
it touched and rubbed or adhered even in a small degree to
the surface of the water. Now the adhesive force of water
to itself, and to other substances, may be estimated from the
weight of it necessary to separate a drop, which adheres,
while growing, till it has weight enough to force the separation
and break thedrop'off. Let us suppose the drop to be the size
of a pea ;- then there will be as many of these adhesions as
there are drops of that size touching the bottom of a vessel,
and these must be broken by the moving power, every step
of her motion that amounts to a drop's breadth ; and there
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 391
being no such adhesions to break between the water and a
greased bottom, may occasion the difference.
So much respecting the motion of vessels. But we have
sometimes occasion to stop their motion; and, if a bottom
is near enough, we can cast anchor. Where there are no
soundings, we have as yet no means to prevent driving in a
storm, but by lying-to, which still permits driving at the rate
of about two miles an hour; so that in a storm continuing
fifty hours, which is not an uncommon case, the ship may drive
one hundred miles out of her course ; and should she in that
distance meet with a lee shore, she may be lost.
To prevent this driving to leeward in deep water, a swim-
ming anchor is wanting, which ought to have these proper-
ties.
1. It should have a surface so large as, being at the end of
a hauser in the water, and placed perpendicularly, should hold
so much of it, as to bring the ship's head to the wind, in which
situation the wind has least power to drive her.
2. It should be able by its resistance to prevent the ship's
receiving way.
3. It should be capable of being situated below the heave
of the sea, but not below the undertow.
4. It should not take up much room in the ship.
5. It should be easily thrown out, and put into its proper
situation.
6. It should be easy to take in again, and stow away.
An ingenious old mariner, whom I formerly knew, proposed
as a swimming anchor for a large ship, to have a stem of wood
twenty-five feet long and four inches square, with four boards
of 1 8, 1 6, 14, and 12, feet long, and one foot wide, the boards
to have their substance thickened several inches in the middle
392 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
by additional wood, and to have each a four inch square hole
through its middle, to permit its being slipped on occasionally
upon the stem, and at right angles with it ; where, all being
placed and fixed at four feet distance from each other, it
would have the appearance of the old mathematical instru-
ment called a forestall. This thrown into the sea, and held
by a hauser veered out to some length, he conceived would
bring a vessel up, and prevent her driving, and when taken
in might be stowed away by separating the boards from the
stem; Figure 15. Probably such a swimming anchor would
have some good effect ; but it is subject to this objection, that,
lying on the surface of the sea, it is liable to be hove forward
by every wave, and thereby give so much leave for the ship to
drive.
Two machines for this purpose have occurred to me, which,
though not so simple as the above, I imagine would be more
effectual, and more easily manageable. I will endeavour to
describe them, that they may be submitted to your judgment,
whether either would be serviceable ; and, if they would, to
which we should give the preference.
The first is to be formed, and to be used in the water on
almost the same principles with those of a paper kite used in
the air. Only, as the paper kite rises in the air, this is to
descend in the water. Its dimensions will be different for
ships of different size.
To make one of suppose fifteen feet high ; take a small spar
of that length for the backbone, A B, figure 16, a smaller of
half that length C D, for the cross piece. Let these be united
by a bolt at £, yet so as that by turning on the bolt they may
be laid parallel to each other. Then make a sail of strong can-
vas, in the shape of figure 17. To form this, without waste of
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATION'S 393
sailcloth, sew together pieces of the proper length, and for
half the breadth, as in figure 18, then cut the whole in the
diagonal lines, a, b, c, and turn the piece F so as to place its
broad part opposite to that of the piece G, and the piece H
in like manner opposite to /, which when all sewed together
will appear as in figure 17. This sail is to be extended on the
cross of figure 16, the top and bottom points well secured to
the ends of the long spar ; the two side points, d, e, fastened
to the ends of two cords, which, coming from the angle of the
loop (which must be similar to the loop of a kite), pass through
two rings at the ends of the short spar, so as that on pulling
upon the loop the sail will be drawn to its extent. The whole
may, when aboard, be furled up, as in figure 19, having a rope
from its broad end, to which is tied a bag of ballast for keeping
that end downwards when in the water, and at the other end
another rope with an empty keg at its end to float on the sur-
face; this rope long enough to permit the kite's descending
into the undertow, or if you please lower into still water. It
should be held by a hauser. To get it home easily, a small
loose rope may be veered out with it, fixed to the keg. Haul-
ing on that rope will bring the kite home with small force,
the resistance being small, as it will then come endways.
It seems probable that such a kite at the end of a long
hauser would keep a ship with her head to the wind, and,
resisting every tug, would prevent her driving so fast as when
her side is exposed to it, and nothing to hold her back. If
only half the driving is prevented, so as that she moves but
fifty miles instead of the hundred during a storm, it may be
some advantage, both in holding so much distance as is saved,
and in keeping from a lee-shore. If single canvas should not
be found strong enough to bear the tug without splitting,
394 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN1 FRANKLIN [1785
it may be doubled, or strengthened by a netting behind it,
represented by figure 20.
The other machine for the same purpose is to be made more
in the form of an umbrella, as represented figure 21. The
stem of the umbrella, a square spar of proper length, with four
movable arms, of which two are represented C, C, figure 22.
These arms to be fixed in four joint cleats, as D, D, &c.,
one on each side of the spar, but so as that the four arms may
open by turning on a pin in the joint. When open, they form
a cross, on which a four-square canvas sail is to be extended,
its corners fastened to the ends of the four arms. Those ends
are also to be stayed by ropes fastened to the stem or spar,
so as to keep them short of being at right angles with it ; and
to the end of one of the arms should be hung the small bag of
ballast, and to the end of the opposite arm the empty keg.
This, on being thrown into the sea, would immediately open ;
and when it had performed its function, and the storm over,
a small rope from its other end being pulled on, would turn it,
close it, and draw it easily home to the ship. This machine
seems more simple in its operation, and more easily manage-
able than the first, and perhaps may be as effectual.1
Vessels are sometimes retarded, and sometimes forwarded
in their voyages, by currents at sea, which are often not per-
ceived. About the year 1769 or 70, there was an application
made by the Board of Customs at Boston, to the Lords of
the Treasury in London, complaining that the packets be-
tween Falmouth and New York were generally a fortnight
1 Captain Truxtun, on board whose ship this was written, has executed this
proposed machine ; he has given six arms to the umbrella, they are joined to
the stem by iron hinges, and the canvas is double. He has taken it with him
to China. February, 1786. — F.
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 395
longer in their passages, than merchant ships from London to
Rhode Island, and proposing that for the future they should
be ordered to Rhode Island instead of New York. Being
then concerned in the management of the American post-
office, I happened to be consulted on the occasion; and it
appearing strange to me, that there should be such a differ-
ence between two places scarce a day's run asunder, especially
when the merchant ships are generally deeper laden, and more
weakly manned than the packets, and had from London the
whole length of the river and channel to run before they left
the land of England, while the packets had only to go from
Falmouth, I could not but think the fact misunderstood or
misrepresented. There happened then to be in London a
Nantucket sea captain of my acquaintance, to whom I com-
municated the affair. He told me he believed the fact might
be true ; but the difference was owing to this, that the Rhode
Island captains were acquainted with the Gulf Stream,
which those of the English packets were not. "We are well
acquainted with that stream," says he, "because in our pur-
suit of whales, which keep near the sides of it, but are not to
be met with in it, we run down along the sides, and frequently
cross it to change our side ; and in crossing it have sometimes
met and spoke with those packets, who were in the middle
of it, and stemming it. We have informed them that they
were stemming a current, that was against them to the value
of three miles an hour; and advised them to cross it and get
out of it ; but they were too wise to be counselled by simple
American fishermen. When the winds are but light," he
added, "they are carried back by the current more than they
are forwarded by the wind ; and, if the wind be good, the
subtraction of seventy miles a day from their course is of
396 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
some importance." I then observed it was a pity no notice
was taken of this current upon the charts, and requested him
to mark it out for me, which he readily complied with, adding
directions for avoiding it in sailing from Europe to North
America. I procured it to be engraved by order from the
general post-office, on the old chart of the Atlantic, at Mount
and Page's, Tower Hill ; and copies were sent down to Fal-
mouth for the captains of the packets, who slighted it how-
ever; but it is since printed in France, of which edition I
hereto annex a copy. [See Plate XIII.]
This stream is probably generated by the great accumula-
tion of water on the eastern coast of America between the
tropics, by the trade winds which constantly blow there. It
is known, that a large piece of water ten miles broad and
generally only three feet deep, has by a strong wind had its
waters driven to one side and sustained so as to become six
feet deep, while the windward side was laid dry. This may
give some idea of the quantity heaped up on the American
coast, and the reason of its running down in a strong cur-
rent through the islands into the bay of Mexico, and from
thence issuing through the Gulph of Florida, and proceeding
along the coast to the banks of Newfoundland, where it
turns off towards and runs down through the Western Islands.
Having since crossed this stream several times in passing
between America and Europe, I have been attentive to sun-
dry circumstances relating to it, by which to know when one
is in it ; and besides the gulf weed with which it is interspersed,
I find, that it is always warmer than the sea on each side of it,
and that it does not sparkle in the night. I annex hereto the
observations made with the thermometer in two voyages,
and possibly may add a third. It will appear from them,
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 397
that the thermometer may be a useful instrument to a navi-
gator, since currents coming from the northward into southern
seas will probably be found colder than the water of those seas,
as the currents from southern seas into northern are found
warmer. And it is not to be wondered, that so vast a body
of deep warm water, several leagues wide, coming from
between the tropics and issuing out of the gulph into the
northern seas, should retain its warmth longer than the
twenty or thirty days required to its passing the banks of
Newfoundland. The quantity is too great, and it is too deep
to be suddenly cooled by passing under a cooler air. The
air immediately over it, however, may receive so much warmth
from it as to be rarefied and rise, being rendered lighter than
the air on each side of the stream; hence those airs must
flow in to supply the place of the rising warm air, and, meet-
ing with each other, form those tornados and waterspouts
frequently met with, and seen near and over the stream ; and
as the vapour from a cup of tea in a warm room, and the
breath of an animal in the same room, are hardly visible,
but become sensible immediately when out in the cold air,
so the vapour from the gulph stream, in warm latitudes, is
scarcely visible, but when it comes into the cool air from New-
foundland, it is condensed into the fogs, for which those parts
are so remarkable.
The power of wind to raise water above its common level in
the sea is known to us in America, by the high tides occa-
sioned in all our seaports when a strong northeaster blows
against the Gulf Stream.
The conclusion from these remarks is, that a vessel from
Europe to North America may shorten her passage by avoid-
ing to stem the stream, in which the thermometer will be very
398 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
useful ; and a vessel from America to Europe may do the same
by the same means of keeping in it. It may have often hap-
pened accidentally, that voyages have been shortened by these
circumstances. It is well to have the command of them.1
Would it not be a more secure method of planking ships,
if, instead of thick single planks laid horizontally, we were
to use planks of half the thickness, and lay them double and
across each other, as in figure 23 ? To me it seems that the
difference of expense would not be considerable, and that the
ship would be both tighter and stronger.
The securing of the ship is not the only necessary thing;
securing the health of the sailors, a brave and valuable order
of men, is likewise of great importance. With this view the
methods so successfully practised by Captain Cook, in his
long voyages, cannot be too closely studied or carefully imi-
tated. A full account of those methods is found in Sir John
Pringle's speech, when the medal of the Royal Society was
given to that illustrious navigator. I am glad to see in his last
voyage, that he found the means effectual, which I had pro-
posed for preserving flour, bread, &c., from moisture and
damage. They were found dry and good after being at sea
four years. The method is described in my printed works,
page 452, fifth edition. In the same, page 469, 470, is pro-
posed a means of allaying thirst in case of want of fresh water.
This has since been practised in two instances with success.
Happy if their hunger, when the other provisions are con-
sumed, could be relieved as commodiously ; and perhaps in
time this may be found not impossible. An addition might
be made to their present vegetable provision, by drying
1 Here a paragraph is omitted. It relates to the retarding of westward-
bound vessels, by the diurnal motion of the earth. See Vol. I, p. 83. — ED.
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 399
various roots in slices by the means of an oven. The sweet
potatoe of America and Spain is excellent for this purpose.
Other potatoes, with carrots, parsnips, and turnips, might be
prepared and preserved in the same manner.
With regard to make-shifts in cases of necessity, seamen
are generally very ingenious themselves. They will excuse,
however, the mention of two or three. If they happen in any
circumstance, such as after shipwreck, taking to their boat,
or the like, to want a compass, a fine sewing needle laid on
clear water in a cup will generally point to the north, most of
them being a little magnetical, or may be made so by being
strongly rubbed or hammered, lying in a north and south
direction. If their needle is too heavy to float by itself, it
may be supported by little pieces of cork or wood. A man
who can swim, may be aided in a long traverse by his handker-
chief formed into a kite, by two cross sticks extending to the
four corners ; which, being raised in the air when the wind is
fair and fresh, will tow him along while lying on his back.
Where force is wanted to move a heavy body, and there are
but few hands and no machines, a long and strong rope may
make a powerful instrument. Suppose a boat is to be drawn
up on a beach, that she may be out of the surf ; a stake drove
into the beach where you would have the boat drawn, and
another to fasten the end of the rope to, which comes from the
boat, and then applying what force you have to pull upon the
middle of the rope at right angles with it, the power will be
augmented in proportion to the length of rope between the
posts. The rope being fastened to the stake, A, and drawn
upon in the direction, C D, will slide over the stake B ; and
when the rope is bent to the angle, A D B, represented by the
pricked line in figure 24, the boat will be at B.
400 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Some sailors may think the writer has given himself un-
necessary trouble in pretending to advise them; for they
have a little repugnance to the advice of landmen, whom they
esteem ignorant and incapable of giving any worth notice ;
though it is certain that most of their instruments were the
invention of landmen. At least the first vessel ever made to
go on the water was certainly such. I will therefore add only
a few words more, and they shall be addressed to passengers.
When you intend a long voyage, you may do well to keep
your intention as much as possible a secret, or at least the
time of your departure; otherwise you will be continually
interrupted in your preparations by the visits of friends and
acquaintance,who will not only rob you of the time you want,
but put things out of your mind, so that when you come to sea,
you have the mortification to recollect points of business that
ought to have been done, accounts you intended to settle,
and conveniences you had proposed to bring with you, &c.
&c., all which have been omitted through the effect of these
officious friendly visits. Would it not be well if this custom
could be changed ; if the voyager, after having, without in-
terruption, made all his preparations, should use some of
the time he has left, in going himself to take leave of his
friends at their own houses, and let them come to congratulate
him on his happy return?
It is not always in your power to make a choice in your
captain, though much of your comfort in the passage may
depend on his personal character, as you must for so long a
time be confined to his company, and under his direction;
if he be a sensible, sociable, good-natured, obliging man,
you will be so much the happier. Such there are ; but, if he
happens to be otherwise, and is only skilful, careful, watch-
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 401
ful, and active in the conduct of his ship, excuse the rest, for
these are the essentials.
Whatever right you may have by agreement in the mass
of stores laid in by him for the passengers, it is good to have
some particular things in your own possession, so as to be
always at your own command.
i. Good water, that of the ship being often bad. You
can be sure of having it good only by bottling it from a clear
spring or well, and in clean bottles. 2. Good tea. 3. Cof-
fee ground. 4. Chocolate. 5. Wine of the sort you
particularly like, and cider. 6. Raisins. 7. Almonds.
8. Sugar. 9. Capillaire. 10. Lemons, u. Jamaica spirits.
12. Eggs, greas'd. 13. Diet bread. 14. Portable soup.
15. Rusks. As to fowls, it is not worth while to have any
called yours, unless you could have the feeding and managing
of them according to your own judgment, under your own eye.
As they are generally treated at present in ships, they are for
the most part sick, and their flesh tough and hard as whit-
leather. All seamen have an opinion, broached I suppose
at first prudently, for saving of water when short, that fowls
do not know when they have drunk enough, and will kill
themselves if you give them too much, so they are served
with a little only once in two days. This is poured into
troughs that lie sloping, and therefore immediately runs
down to the lower end. There the fowls ride upon one
another's backs to get at it, and 'some are not happy enough
to reach and once dip their bills in it. Thus tantalized, and
tormented with thirst, they cannot digest their dry food,
they fret, pine, sicken, and die. Some are found dead, and
thrown overboard every morning, and those killed for the
table are not eatable. Their troughs should be in little divi-
VOL. IX — 2 D
402 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
sions, like cups, to hold the water separately, figure 25. But
this is never done. The sheep and hogs are therefore your
best dependence for fresh meat at sea, the mutton being
generally tolerable and the pork excellent.
It is possible your captain may have provided so well in the
general stores, as to render some of the particulars above
recommended of little or no use to you. But there are fre-
quently in the ship poorer passengers, who are taken at a
lower price, lodge in the steerage, and have no claim to any
of the cabin provisions, or to any but those kinds that are
allowed the sailors. These people are sometimes dejected,
sometimes sick; there may be women and children among
them. In a situation where there is no going to market
to purchase such necessaries, a few of these your superfluities,
distributed occasionally, may be of great service, restore
health, save life, make the miserable happy, and thereby
afford you infinite pleasure.
The worst thing in ordinary merchant ships is the cookery.
They have no professed cook, and the worst hand as a sea-
man is appointed to that office, in which he is not only very
ignorant but very dirty. The sailors have therefore a saying,
that God sends meatj and the Devil cooks. Passengers more
piously disposed, and willing to believe Heaven orders all
things fof^the best, may suppose, that, knowing the sea air
and constant exercise by the motion of the vessel would give
us extraordinary appetites, bad cooks were kindly sent to
prevent our eating too much; or that, foreseeing we should
have bad cooks, good appetites were furnished to prevent our
starving. If you cannot trust to these circumstances, a spirit-
lamp, with a blaze-pan, may enable you to cook some little
things for yourself; such as a hash, a soup, &c. And it
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 403
might be well also to have among your stores some potted
meats, which, if well put up, will keep long good. A small
tin oven, to place with the open side before the fire, may be
another good utensil, in which your own servant may roast
for you a bit of pork or mutton. You will sometimes be in-
duced to eat of the ship's salt beef, as it is often good. You
will find cyder the best quencher of that thirst, which salt
meat or fish occasions. The ship biscuit is too hard for
some sets of teeth. It may be softened by toasting. But
rusk is better; for being made of good fermented bread,
sliced and baked a second time, the pieces imbibe the water
easily, soften immediately, digest more kindly, and are there-
fore more wholesome than the unfermented biscuit. By the
way, rusk is the true original biscuit, so prepared to keep for
sea, biscuit in French signifying twice baked. If your dry
peas boil hard, a two pound iron shot put with them into the
pot will, by the motion of the ship, grind them as fine as mus-
tard.
The accidents I have seen at sea with large dishes of soup
upon a table, from the motion of the ship, have made me wish
that our potters or pewterers would make soup dishes in
divisions, like a set of small bowls united together, each
containing about sufficient for one person, in some such form
as figure 26 ; for then, when the ship should make a sudden
heel, the soup would not in a body flow over one side, and fall
into people's laps and scald them, as is sometimes the case,
but would be retained in the separate divisions, as in figure 27.
After these trifles, permit the addition of a few general
reflections. Navigation, when employed in supplying neces-
sary provisions to a country in want, and thereby preventing
famines, which were more frequent and destructive before the
404 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
invention of that art, is undoubtedly a blessing to mankind.
When employed merely in transporting superfluities, it is a
question whether the advantage of the employment it affords
is equal to the mischief of hazarding so many lives on the
ocean. But when employed in pillaging merchants and
transporting slaves, it is clearly the means of augmenting
the mass of human misery. It is amazing to think of the
ships and lives risked in fetching tea from China, coffee from
Arabia, sugar and tobacco from America, all which our
ancestors did well without. Sugar employs near one thou-
sand ships, tobacco almost as many. For the utility of
tobacco there is little to be said ; and for that of sugar, how
much more commendable would it be, if we could give up the
few minutes' gratification afforded once or twice a day by
the taste of sugar in our tea, rather than encourage the
cruelties exercised in producing it. An eminent French
moralist says, that when he considers the wars we excite in
Africa to obtain slaves, the numbers necessarily slain in those
wars, the many prisoners who perish at sea by sickness, bad
provisions, foul air, &c. &c., in the transportation, and how
many afterwards die from the hardships of slavery, he can-
not look on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained
with spots of human blood ! Had he added the considera-
tion of the wars we make to take and retake the sugar islands
from one another, and the fleets and armies that perish in
those expeditions, he might have seen his sugar not merely
spotted, but thoroughly dyed scarlet in grain. It is these
wars, that make the maritime powers of Europe, the inhabit-
ants of London and Paris, pay dearer for sugar than those
of Vienna, a thousand miles from the sea; because their
sugar costs not only the price they pay for it by the pound,
1785] MARITIME OBSERVATIONS 405
but all they pay in taxes to maintain the fleets and armies
that fight for it.
With great esteem, I am, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
APPENDIX TO THE ABOVE LETTER
Remarks upon the Navigation jrom Newfoundland to New
York, in Order to avoid the Gulf Stream on one Hand, and,
on the other, the Shoals that lie to the southward of Nan-
tucket and of St. George's Banks.
READ AT A MEETING OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, DECEMBER
*, 1785.
AFTER you have passed the banks of Newfoundland in about
the forty-fourth degree of latitude, you will meet with nothing,
till you draw near the Isle of Sables, which we commonly
pass in latitude 43°. Southward of this Isle, the current is
found to extend itself as far north as 41° 20' or 30', then it
turns towards the E. S. E. or S. E. \ E.
Having passed the Isle of Sables, shape your course for the
St. George's Banks, so as to pass them in about latitude 40°,
because the current southward of those banks reaches as far
north as 39°. The shoals of those banks lie in 41° 35'.
After having passed St. George's Banks, you must, to
clear Nantucket, form your course so as to pass between the
latitudes 38° 30' and 40° 45'.
The most southern part of the shoals of Nantucket lie in
about 40° 45'. The northern part of the current directly to
the south of Nantucket is felt in about latitude 38° 30'.
406 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
By observing these directions, and keeping between the
stream and the shoals, the passage from the Banks of New-
foundland to New York, Delaware, or Virginia, may be con-
siderably shortened; for so you will have the advantage of
the eddy current, which moves contrary to the Gulf Stream.
Whereas, if to avoid the shoals you keep too far to the south-
ward, and get into that stream, you will be retarded by it at
the rate of sixty or seventy miles a day.
The Nantucket whalemen being extremely well acquainted
with the Gulf Stream, its course, strength, and extent, by
their constant practice of whaling on the edges of it, from
their island quite down to the Bahamas, this draft of that
stream [Plate XIII.] was obtained from one of them, Captain
Folger, and caused to be engraved on the old chart in London,
for the benefit of navigators, by
B. FRANKLIN.
NOTE. The Nantucket captains, who are acquainted with
this stream, make their voyages from England to Boston in as
short a time generally as others take in going from Boston to
England, viz. from twenty to thirty days.
A stranger may know when he is in the Gulf Stream, by the
warmth of the water, which is much greater than that of the
water on each side of it. If then he is bound to the westward,
he should cross the stream to get out of it as soon as possible.
B. FRANKLIN.
Observations of the Warmth of the Sea Water, <5rV., by Fahrenheit's Ther-
mometer, in crossing the Gulph Stream : with other Remarks made on
board the Pennsylvania Packet, Capt. Osborne, bound from London to
Philadelphia, in April and May, 1775.
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Observations of the Warmth of the Sea Water, &V., by Fahrenheit's Ther-
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Observations made on board the Reprisal, continued.
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A Journal of a Voyage from the Channel between France and England
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A Journal of a Voyage, <5rV., continued.
412 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Observations
July 31. At one P.M. the Start bore W. N. W. distant six leagues.
August I. The water appears luminous in the ship's wake.
— 2. The temperature of the water is taken at eight in the morning and at
eight in the evening.
— 6. The water appears less luminous.
— 7. Formegas S. W. distant 32^ degrees. St. Mary's S. W. \ S. 33 leagues.
— 8. From this date the temperature of the water is taken at eight in the
morning and at six in the evening.
— 10. Moonlight, which prevents the luminous appearance of the water.
— ii. A strong southerly current.
— 12. Ditto. From this date the temperature of the air and water was
taken at noon, as well as morning and evening.
— 1 6. Northerly current.
— 19. First saw gulf weed.
— 21. Southerly current.
— 22. Again saw gulf weed.
— 24. The water appeared luminous in a small degree before the moon
rose.
— 29. No moon, yet very little light in the water.
— 30. Much gulf weed to-day.
— 31. Ditto.
September I. Ditto.
— 2. A little more light in the water.
— 4. No gulf weed to-day. More light in the water.
— 5. Some gulf weed again.
— 6. Little light in the water. A very hard thunder-gust in the night.
— 7. Little gulf weed.
— 8. More light in the water. Little gulf weed.
— 9. Little gulf weed. Little light in the water last evening.
— 10. Saw some beds of rock- weed; and we were surprised to observe the
water six degrees colder by the thermometer than the preceding noon.
This day (roth) the thermometer still kept descending, and at five in the
morning of the nth, it was in water as low as 70, when we struck soundings.
The same evening the pilot came on board, and we found our ship about five
degrees of longitude a-head of the reckoning, which our captain accounted
for by supposing our course to have been near the edge of the Gulf Stream,
and thus an eddy-current always in our favour. By the distance we ran from
September 9th, in the evening, till we struck soundings, we must have then
been at the western edge of the Gulf Stream, and the change in the tempera-
ture of the water was probably owing to our suddenly passing from that cur-
rent into the waters of our own climate.
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 413
On the 1 4th of August the following experiment was made. The weather
being perfectly calm, an empty bottle, corked very tight, was sent down 20
fathoms, and it was drawn up still empty. It was then sent down again 35
fathoms, when the weight of the water having forced in the cork, it was
drawn up full; the water it contained was immediately tried by the thermom-
eter, and found to be 70, which was six degrees colder than at the surface;
the lead and bottle were visible, but not very distinctly so, at the depth of 12
fathoms; but, when only 7 fathoms deep, they were perfectly seen from the
ship. This experiment was thus repeated September nth, when we were in
soundings of 1 8 fathoms. A keg was previously prepared with a valve at
each end, one opening inward, the other outward; this was sent to the bottom
in expectation that by the valves being both open when going down, and both
shut when coming up, it would keep within it the water received at bottom.
The upper valve performed its office well, but the under one did not shut
quite close, so that much of the water was lost in hauling it up the ship's
side. As the water in the keg's passage upwards could not enter at the top,
it was concluded that what water remained in it was of that near the ground ;
and, on trying this by the thermometer, it was found to be 58, which was 12
degrees colder than at the surface.
[This last Journal was obligingly kept for me by Mr. J. Williams, my
fellow-passenger in the London Packet, who made all the experiments with
great exactness.]
1598. TO JAN INGENHOUSZ l (L. L.)
ON THE CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS
At Sea, August 28, 1785
DEAR FRIEND,
In one of your Letters, a little before I left France, you
desire me to give you in Writing my Thoughts upon the Con-
struction and Use of Chimneys, a Subject you had sometimes
heard me touch upon in Conversation. I embrace willingly
1 This letter, which has been published in a separate pamphlet, both in
England and America, first appeared in the Transactions of The American
Philosophical Society, Vol. II, p. I (1786), in which it was read October 2ist,
1785. — ED.
4i4 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
this Leisure afforded by my present Situation to comply with
your Request, as it will not only show my Regard to the
Desires of a Friend, but may at the same time be of some
Utility to others ; the Doctrine of Chimneys appearing not to
be as yet generally well understood, and Mistakes respecting
them being attended with constant Inconvenience, if not
remedied, and with fruitless Expence, if the true Remedies
are mistaken.
Those who would be acquainted with this Subject, should
begin by considering on what Principle Smoke ascends in any
Chimney. At first, many are apt to think, that Smoke is in
its Nature and of itself specifically lighter than Air, and rises in
it for the same reason that Cork rises in Water. These see
no Cause why Smoke should not rise in the Chimney, tho'
the Room be ever so close. Others think there is a Power in
Chimneys to draw up the Smoke, and that there are different
forms of Chimneys, which afford more or less of this Power.
These amuse themselves with searching for the best Form.
The equal Dimensions of a Funnel in its whole Length is not
thought Artificial enough, and it is made, for fancied Rea-
sons, sometimes tapering and narrowing from below upwards,
and sometimes the contrary, &c. &c. A simple Experiment
or two may serve to give more correct Ideas. Having lit a
Pipe of Tobacco, plunge the Stem to the Bottom of a De-
canter half fill'd with cold Water ; then putting a Rag over the
Bowl, blow thro' it and make the Smoke descend in the Stem
of the Pipe, from the End of which it will rise in Bubbles
thro' the Water ; and, being thus cool'd, will not afterwards
rise to go out thro' the Neck of the Decanter, but remain
spreading itself and resting on the Surface of the Water.
This shows that Smoke is really heavier than Air, and that
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 415
it is carried upwards only when attach'd to, or acted upon,
by Air that is heated, and thereby rarefied and rendered spe-
cifically lighter than the Air in its Neighbourhood.
Smoke being rarely seen but in company with heated Air,
and its upward Motion being visible, tho' that of the rarefied
air that drives it is not so, has naturally given rise to the
Error.
I need not explain to you, my learned Friend, what is meant
by rarefied Air ; but if you make the public use you propose of
this Letter, it may fall into the Hands of some who are unac-
quainted with the Term and with the Thing. These then
may be told, that air is a Fluid which has Weight as well as
others, tho' about 800 times lighter than Water. That Heat
makes the Particles of Air recede from each other and take up
more Space, so that the same Weight of Air heated will have
more Bulk, than equal Weights of cold Air which may sur-
round it, and in that Case must rise, being forc'd upwards by
such colder and heavier Air, which presses to get under it and
take its Place. That Air is so rarified or expanded by Heat
may be proved to their Comprehension by a lank blown
Bladder, which, laid before a Fire, will soon swell, grow tight,
and burst.
Another Experiment may be, to take a glass Tube about
an Inch in diameter, and 12 Inches long, open at both Ends
and fixed upright on Legs, so that it need not be handled, for
the Hands might warm it. At the End of a Quill fasten 5
or 6 Inches of the finest light filament of Silk, so that it may be
held either above the upper End of the Tube or under the
lower End, your warm Hand being at a distance by the Length
of the Quill. (Plate XIV. Fig. i.) If there were any motion
of Air thro' the Tube, it would manifest itself by its Effect on
416 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
the Silk; but, if the Tube and the Air in it are of the same
Temperature with the surrounding Air, there will be no such
Motion, whatever may be the Form of the Tube, whether
crooked or strait, narrow below and widening upwards, or
the contrary, the Air in it will be quiescent. Warm the Tube,
and you will find, as long as it continues warm, a constant
Current of Air, entring below and passing up thro' it, till
discharged at the Top; because the Warmth of the Tube,
being communicated to the Air it contains, rarefies that Air
and makes it lighter than the Air without, which therefore
presses in below, forces it upwards, and follows and takes its
place, and is rarefied in its turn. And without warming the
Tube, if you hold under it a Knob of hot Iron, the Air thereby
heated will rise and fill the Tube, going out at its Top ; and
this Motion in the Tube will continue as long as the Knob
remains hot, because the Air entring the Tube below is
heated and rarefied by passing near and over that Knob.
That this Motion is produc'd merely by the Difference of
Specific Gravity between the Fluid within and that without the
Tube, and not by any fancied Form of the Tube itself, may
appear by plunging it into Water contain'd hi a Glass Jar
a foot deep, thro' which such Motion might be seen. The
Water within and without the Tube being of the same Spe-
cific Gravity, balance each other, and both remain at rest.
But take out the Tube, stop its Bottom with a Finger and fill it
with Olive Oil, which is lighter than Water, then stopping
the Top, place it as before, its lower End under Water, its
Top a very little above. As long as you keep the Bottom
stopt, the Fluids remain at rest, but the Moment it is un-
stopt, the heavier enters below, forces up the lighter, and takes
its Place. And the Motion then ceases, merely because the
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 417
new Fluid cannot be successively made lighter, as Air may be
by a warm Tube.
In fact, no Form of the Funnel of a Chimney has any
Share in its Operation or Effect respecting Smoke, except its
Height. The longer the Funnel, if erect, the greater its
Force when fill'd with heated and rarefied Air, to draw in below
and drive up the Smoke, if one may, in compliance with
Custom, use the Expression draw, when in fact it is the su-
perior Weight of the surrounding Atmosphere that presses to
enter the Funnel below, and so drives up before it the Smoke
and warm Air it meets with in its Passage.
I have been the more particular in explaining these first
Principles, because, for want of clear Ideas respecting them,
much fruitless expence has been occasion'd; not only single
Chimneys, but, in some Instances within my Knowledge,
whole Stacks having been pulled down and rebuilt with
Funnels of different Forms, imagin'd more powerful in draw-
ing Smoke; but, having still the same Height and the same
Opening below, have perform'd no better than their Prede-
cessors.
What is it then which makes a Smoky Chimney ; that is, a
Chimney which, instead of conveying up all the Smoke,
discharges a Part of it into the Room, offending the Eyes and
damaging the Furniture?
The Causes of this Effect, which have fallen under my
Observation, amount to Nine, differing from each other, and
therefore requiring different Remedies.
i. Smoky Chimneys in a new House are such, frequently,
jrom mere Want oj Air. The Workmanship of the Rooms
being all good, and just out of the Workman's Hand, the
Joints of the Boards of the Flooring, and of the Pannels of
VOL. IX 2K
41 8 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Wainscoting are all true and tight, the more so as the Walls,
perhaps not yet thoroughly dry, preserve a Dampness in the
Air of the Room, which keeps the Wood work swelled and
close. xThe Doors and the Sashes too, being work'd with
Truth, shut with Exactness, so that the Room is as tight as
a SnuffBox, no Passage being left open for Air to enter, ex-
cept the Keyhole, and even that is sometimes covered by a
little dropping Shutter. Now if Smoke cannot rise but as
connected with rarefied Air, and a Column of such Air, sup-
pose it filling the Funnel, cannot rise, unless other Air be
admitted to supply its place ; and if, therefore, no Current of
Air enter the Opening of the Chimney, there is nothing to
prevent the Smoke coming out into the Room. If the
Motion upwards of the Air in a Chimney, that is freely sup-
ply'd, be observed by the rising of the Smoke or a Feather
in it, and it be considered, that, in the Time such Feather
takes in rising from the Fire to the Top of the Chimney, a
Column of Air equal to the Content of the Funnel must be
discharged, and an equal Quantity supply'd from the Room
below, it will appear absolutely impossible that this Opera-
tion should go on if the tight Room is kept shut; for, were
there any Force capable of drawing constantly so much Air
out of it, it must soon be exhausted like the Receiver of an Air
pump, and no Animal could live in it. Those therefore who
stop every Crevice in a Room to prevent the admission of
fresh Air, and yet would have their Chimney carry up the
Smoke, require Inconsistencies, and expect Impossibilities.
Yet, under this Situation, I have seen the Owner of a new
House, in Despair, and ready to sell it for much less than it
cost, conceiving it uninhabitable, because not a Chimney
in any one of its Rooms would carry off the Smoke, unless a
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 419
Door or Window were left open. Much Expence has also been
made, to alter and amend new Chimneys which had really
no Fault ; in one House particularly that I knew, of a Noble-
man in Westminster, that Expence amounted to no less than
£300, after his House had been, as he thought, finish 'd and
all Charges paid. And after all, several of the Alterations
were ineffectual, for want of understanding the true Prin-
ciples.
Remedies. When you find on Trial, that opening the Door
or a Window enables the Chimney to carry up all the Smoke,
you may be sure that want of Air jrom without was the Cause
of its Smoking. I say jrom without, to guard you against a
common Mistake of those, who may tell you the Room is
large, contains abundance of Air, sufficient to supply any
Chimney, and therefore it cannot be that the Chimney wants
Air. These Reasoners are ignorant, that the largeness of a
Room, if tight, is in this case of small Importance, since it
cannot part with a Chimney full of its Air without occasioning
so much Vacuum ; which it requires a great Force to effect,
and could not be borne, if effected.
It appearing plainly, then, that some of the outward Air
must be admitted, the Question will be, how much is abso-
lutely necessary; for you would avoid admitting more, as
being contrary to one of your Intentions in having a Fire,
viz. that of warming your Room. To discover this Quantity,
shut the Door gradually while a middling Fire is burning, till
you find, that, before it is quite shut, the Smoke begins to
come out into the Room, then open it a little till you perceive
the Smoke comes out no longer. There hold the Door, and
observe the Width of the open crevice between the Edge of
the Door and the Rabbit it should shut into. Suppose the
420 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Distance to be half an Inch, and the Door 8 feet high, you find
thence that your Room requires an Entrance for Air equal in
area to 96 half inches, or 48 square Inches, or a Passage of
6 inches by 8. This however is a large Supposition, there
being few Chimneys, that, having a moderate Opening and a
tolerable Height of Funnel, will not be satisfied with such
a Crevice of \ of an inch ; and I have found a Square of 6 by
6, or 36 square Inches, to be a pretty good Medium, that will
serve for most Chimneys. High Funnels, with small and low
Openings, may indeed be supply'd thro' a less Space, because,
for Reasons that will appear hereafter, the Force of Levity,
if one may so speak, being greater in such Funnels, the cool
Air enters the Room with greater Velocity, and consequently
more enters in the same time. This however has its Limits,
for Experience shows, that no increased Velocity, so occa-
sion'd, has made the admission of Air thro' the Keyhole
equal in quantity to that thro' an open Door; tho' thro' the
Door the Current moves slowly, and thro' the Keyhole with
great Rapidity.
It remains then to be considered how and where this neces-
sary Quantity of Air from without is to be admitted, so as to
be least inconvenient. For, if at the Door, left so much open,
the Air thence proceeds directly to the Chimney, and in its
way comes cold to your Back and Heels as you sit before your
Fire. If you keep the Door shut, and raise a little the Sash
of your Window, you feel the same Inconvenience. Various
have been the Contrivances to avoid this, such as bringing in
fresh Air through Pipes in the Jambs of the Chimney, which,
pointing upwards, should blow the Smoke up the Funnel;
Opening Passages into the Funnel above, to let in Air for the
same purpose. But these produce an Effect contrary to
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 421
that intended ; for, as it is the constant current of Air passing
from the room thro* the Opening oj the Chimney into the Fun-
nel, which prevents the Smoke coming out into the Room,
if you supply the Funnel by other Means or in other ways
with the Air it wants, and especially if that Air be cold, you
diminish the force of that Current, and the Smoke in its
Efforts to enter the Room finds less Resistance.
The wanted Air must then indispensably be admitted into
the Room, to supply what goes off through the Opening of
the Chimney. M. Gauger,1 a very ingenious and intelligent
French Writer on the subject, proposes with Judgment to
admit it above the Opening of the Chimney; and to prevent
Inconvenience from its Coldness, he directs its being made
to pass in its Entrance thro' winding Cavities made behind
the Iron Back and Sides of the FirePlace, and under the Iron
Hearth-Plate; in which Cavities it will be warmed, and
even heated, so as to contribute much, instead of cooling, to
the Warming of the Room. This Invention is excellent in
itself, and may be us'd with Advantage in building new
Houses; because the Chimneys may then be so disposed,
as to admit conveniently the cold Air to enter such Passages ;
but in Houses built without such Views, the Chimneys are
often so situated, as not to afford that Convenience, without
great and expensive Alterations. Easy and cheap Methods,
tho* not quite so perfect in themselves, are of more general
Utility; and such are the following.
In all Rooms where there is a Fire, the Body of Air warmed
and rarefied before the Chimney is continually changing
Place, and making room for other Air that is to be warmed in
its turn. Part of it enters and goes up the Chimney, and the
1 Nicolas Gauger (1680-1730), French physicist. — ED.
422 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
rest rises and takes place near the Ceiling. If the Room be
lofty, that warm Air remains above our Heads as long as it
continues warm, and we are little benefited by it, because it
does not descend till it is cooler. Few can imagine the Differ-
ence of Climate between the upper and lower Parts of such
room, who have not tried it by the Thermometer, or by going
up a Ladder till their Heads are near the Ceiling. It is then
among this warm Air that the wanted Quantity of outward Air
is best admitted, with which being mix'd, its Coldness is abated
and its Inconvenience diminished so as to become scarce
observable. This may be easily done, by drawing down about
an Inch the upper Sash of a Window ; or, if not moveable,
by cutting such a Crevice thro' its Frame ; in both which
Cases, it will be well to place a thin Shelf of the length, to con-
ceal the Opening, and sloping upward to direct the entring
Air horizontally along and under the Ceiling. In some
houses the Air may be admitted by such a Crevice made in
the Wainscot, Cornish, or Plastering, near the Ceiling and
over the Opening of the Chimney. This, if practicable, is to
be chosen, because the ent'ring cold Air will there meet with
the warmest rising Air from before the Fire, and be soonest
tempered by the Mixture. The same kind of Shelf should
also be placed here. Another way, and not a very difficult
one, is to take out an upper Pane of Glass in one of your
Sashes, set in a tin Frame, (Plate, Fig. 2,) giving it two
springing angular Sides, and then replacing it, with Hinges
below on which it may be turned to open more or less above.
It will then have the Appearance of an internal Skylight.
By drawing this Pane in, more or less, you may admit what
Air you find necessary. Its position will naturally throw
that air up and along the ceiling. This is what is called in
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 423
France a Was ist das ? As this is a German Question, the
Invention is probably of that Nation, and takes its Name
from the frequent asking of that Question when it first ap-
peared. In England, some have of late Years cut a round
Hole about 5 Inches Diameter in a Pane of the Sash, and
plac'd against it a circular Plate of Tin hung on an Axis,
and cut into Vanes, which, being separately bent a little
obliquely, are acted upon by the entring Air, so as to force
the Plate continually round like the Vanes of a Windmill.
This admits the outward Air, and by the continual Whirling
of the Vanes, does in some degree disperse it. The Noise,
only, is a little inconvenient.
2. A second cause of the Smoking of Chimneys is, their
Openings in the Room being too large; that is, too wide, too
high, or both. Architects in general have no other Ideas of
Proportion in the Opening of a Chimney, than what relate
to Symmetry and Beauty, respecting the Dimensions of the
Room; while its true Proportion, respecting its Function
and Utility, depends on quite other Principles; and they
might as properly proportion the Step in a Staircase to the
Height of the Story, instead of the natural Elevation of Men's
Legs in mounting. The Proportion then to be regarded, is
what relates to the Height of the Funnel. For as the Funnels
in the different Stories of a House are necessarily of different
Heights or Lengths, that from the lowest Floor being the
highest or longest, and those of the other Floors shorter and
shorter, till we come to those in the Garrets, which are of
course the shortest; and the Force of Draft being, as already
said, in proportion to the height of Funnel filled with rarefied
Air; and a Current of Air from the Room into the Chimney,
sufficient to fill the Opening, being necessary to oppose and
424 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
prevent the Smoke's coming out into the Room; it follows,
that the Openings of the longest Funnels may be larger, and
that those of the shorter Funnels should be smaller. For,
if there be a large Opening to a Chimney that does not draw
strongly, the Funnel may happen to be furnish'd with the
Air it demands by a Partial current entring on one side of
the Opening, and, leaving the other side free of any Opposing
Current, may permit the Smoke to issue there into the Room.
Much too, of the Force of Draft in a Funnel depends on the
degree of Rarefaction in the Air it contains, and that depends
on the nearness to the Fire of its Passage in entring the Funnel.
If it can enter far from the Fire on each side, or far above the
Fire, in a wide or high Opening, it receives little heat in pass-
ing by the Fire, and the Contents of the Funnel is by that
means less different in Levity from the surrounding Atmos-
phere, and its Force in drawing consequently weaker. Hence,
if too large an Opening be given to Chimneys in upper Rooms,
those Rooms will be smoky; on the other Hand, if too small
Openings be given to Chimneys in the lower Rooms, the en-
tring air, operating too directly and violently on the Fire,
and afterwards strengthening the Draft as it ascends the
Funnel, will consume the Fuel too rapidly.
Remedy. As different Circumstances frequently mix them-
selves in these Matters, it is difficult to give precise Dimen-
sions for the Openings of all Chimneys. Our Fathers made
them generally much too large; We have lessen'd them ; but
they are often still of greater Dimension than they should be,
the human Eye not being easily reconciPd to sudden and
great Changes. If you suspect that your Chimney smokes
from the too great Dimension of its Opening, contract it by
placing Boards so as to lower and narrow it gradually, till
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 425
you find the Smoke no longer issues into the Room. The
Proportion so found will be that which is proper for that
Chimney, and you may employ the Bricklayer or Mason to
reduce it accordingly. However, as, in building new Housesf
something must be sometimes hazarded, I would make the
Openings in my lower Rooms about 30 Inches square and 18
deep, and those in the upper only 18 Inches square and not
quite so deep; the intermediate ones diminishing in propor-
tion as the Height of Funnel diminish'd. In the larger Open-
ings, Billets of two feet long, or half the common length of
Cordwood, may be burnt conveniently ; and for the smaller,
such Wood may be saw'd into Thirds. Where Coals are
the Fuel, the Grates will be proportion'd to the Openings.
The same Depth is nearly necessary to all, the Funnels being
all made of a Size proper to admit a Chimney-sweeper. If
in large and elegant Rooms Custom or Fancy should require
the Appearance of a larger Chimney, it may be form'd of
expensive marginal Decorations, in Marble, &c. In time,
perhaps, that which is fittest in the nature of things may come
to be thought handsomest. But at present when Men and
Women in different Countries show themselves dissatisfied
with the Forms God has given to their Heads, Waists, and
Feet, and pretend to shape them more perfectly, it is hardly
to be expected that they will be content always with the best
Form of a Chimney. And there are some, I know, so bigotted
to the Fancy of a large noble Opening, that rather than change
it, they would submit to have damaged Furniture, sore Eyes,
and Skins almost smok'd to Bacon.
3. Another cause of smoky Chimneys is too short a Funnel.
This happens necessarily in some Cases, as where a Chimney
is required hi a low Building; for if the Funnel be rais'd
426 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
high above the Roof, in order to strengthen its Draft, it is
then in danger of being blown down, and crushing the Roof
in its Fall.
Remedies. Contract the Opening of the Chimney, so as
to oblige all the entring Air to pass thro' or very near the Fire ;
whereby it will be more heated and rarefied, the Funnel
itself be more warmed, and its Contents have more of what
may be called the Force of Levity, so as to rise strongly, and
maintain a good Draft at the Opening.
Or you may in some cases to Advantage, build additional
Stories over the low Building, which will support a high
Funnel.
If the low Building be us'd as a Kitchen, and a Contraction
of the Opening therefore inconvenient, a large one being neces-
sary, at least when there are great Dinners, for the free Man-
agement of so many Cooking Utensils ; in such Case I would
advise the Building of two more Funnels joining to the first,
and having three moderate Openings, one to each Funnel,
instead of one large one. When there is occasion to use but
one, the other two may be kept shut by sliding Plates, here-
after to be describ'd; and two or all of them may be used
together when wanted. This will indeed be an Expence,
but not a useless one, since your Cooks will work with more
comfort, see better than in a smoky Kitchen what they are
about, your Victuals will be cleaner drest, and not taste of
Smoke, as is often the Case ; and, to render the Effect more
certain, a Stack of three Funnels may be safely built higher
above the Roof than a single Funnel.
The Case of too short a Funnel is more general than would
be imagin'd, and often found where one would not expect it.
For it is not uncommon, in ill contriv'd Buildings, instead
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 427
of having a Funnel for each Room or Fireplace, to bend and
turn the Funnel of an upper Room so as to make it enter the
Side of another Funnel that comes from below. By this
means the upper room Funnel is made short of course, since
its Length can only be reckon'd from the Place where it enters
the lower-room Funnel; and that Funnel is also shorten'd
by all the Distance between the Entrance of the second Funnel
and the Top of the Stack : For all that Part being readily
supply'd with Air thro' the second Funnel, adds no Strength
to the Draft, especially as that Air is cold when there is no
Fire in the second Chimney. The only easy Remedy here
is, to keep the Opening shut of that Funnel in which there
is no Fire.
4. Another very common Cause of the Smoking of Chim-
neys is their overpowering one another. For instance, if
there be two Chimneys in one large Room, and you make
Fires in both of them, the Doors and Windows close shut,
you will find that the greater and stronger Fire shall over-
power the weaker, and draw air down its Funnel to supply
its own Demand ; which Air descending in the weaker Fun-
nel, will drive down its Smoke, and force it into the Room.
If, instead of being in one Room, the two Chimneys are in
two different Rooms, communicating by a Door, the Case
is the same whenever that Door is open. In a very tight
House, I have known a Kitchen Chimney on the lowest
Floor, when it had a great Fire in it, overpower any other
Chimney in the House, and draw Air and Smoke into its
Room, as often as the Door was open'd communicating with
the StairCase.
Remedy. Take Care that every Room has the Means of
supplying itself from without, with the Air its Chimney may
428 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
require so that no one of them may be obliged to borrow
from another, nor under the Necessity of lending. A Vari-
ety of these Means have been already describ'd.
5. Another Cause of Smoking is, when the Tops of Chim-
neys are commanded by higher Buildings, or by a Hill, so that
the Wind blowing over such Eminences, falls like Water
over a Dam, sometimes almost perpendicularly on the Tops
of the Chimneys that lie in its way, and beats down the Smoke
contain'd in them.
Remedy. That commonly apply'd to this Case is a Turn-
cap made of Tin or Plate Iron, covering the Chimney above
and on three sides, open on one side, turning on a Spindle,
and which being guided or governed by a Vane, always pre-
sents its back to the Current. This I believe, may be gen-
erally effectual, tho' not certain, as there may be Cases in
which it will not succeed. Raising your Funnels, if practi-
cable, so as their Tops may be higher, or at least equal with
the commanding Eminence, is more to be depended on.
But the turning Cap, being easier and cheaper, should first
be try'd. If obliged to build in such a Situation, I would
chuse to place my Doors on the Side next the Hill, and the
Backs of my Chimneys on the furthest Side ; for then the
Column of Air falling over the Eminence, and of course
pressing on that below and forcing it to- enter the Doors,
or Was-ist-dases on that Side, would tend to ballance the
Pressure down the Chimneys, and leave the Funnels more
free in the Exercise of their Functions.
6. There is another Case of Command, the Reverse of that
last mentioned. It is where the commanding Eminence is
farther from the Wind than the Chimney commanded. To
explain this a Figure may be necessary. Suppose then a
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 429
building whose Side A happens to be expos'd to the Wind, and
forms a kind of Dam against its Progress. (Plate, Fig. 3.)
The Air obstructed by this Dam, will, like Water, press
and search for Passages thro' it; and finding the Top of the
Chimney B, below the Top of the Dam, it will force itself
down that Funnel, in order to get through by some Door or
Window open on the other Side of the Building. And if
there be a Fire in such Chimney, its Smoke is of course beat
down, and fills the Room.
Remedy. I know of but one, which is to raise such funnel
Higher than the Roof, supporting it if necessary by iron Bars.
For a Turncap in this Case has no Effect, the damm'd-up-air
pressing down thro' it in whatever Position the Wind may
have plac'd its Opening.
I know a City in which many Houses are render'd smoky
by this Operation. For their Kitchens being built behind,
and connected by a Passage with the Houses, and the Tops
of the Kitchen Chimneys lower than the Top of the Houses,
the whole Side of a Street, when the Wind blows against its
back, forms such a Dam as above describ'd ; and the Wind
so obstructed, forces down those Kitchen Chimneys espe-
cially when they have but weak Fires in them to pass thro'
the Passage and House into the Street. Kitchen Chimneys,
so form'd and situated, have another Inconvenience. In
Summer, if you open your Upper Room Windows for Air,
a light Breeze blowing over your Kitchen Chimney towards
the House, tho' not strong enough to force down its Smoke,
as aforesaid, is sufficient to waft it into your Windows, and
fill the Rooms with it; which, besides the Disagreableness,
damages your Furniture.
7. Chimneys, otherwise drawing well, are sometimes
43o THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
made to smoke by the improper and inconvenient Situation
of a Door. When the Door and Chimney are on the same
Side of the Room, as in the Figure, if the Door A, being in
the Corner, is made to open against the Wall, (Plate, Fig. 4,)
which is common, as being there, when open, more out of
the Way, it follows, that, when the Door is only open'd in
Part, a Current of Air rushing in, passes along the Wall into
and across the Opening of the Chimney B, and flirts some of
the Smoke out into the Room. This happens more certainly
when the Door is shutting, for then the Force of the Current
is augmented, and becomes very inconvenient to those who,
warming themselves by the Fire, happen to sit in its way.
The remedies are obvious and easy. Either put an inter-
vening Skreen from the Wall round great part of the Fire-
Place ; or, which is perhaps preferable, shift the Hinges of
your Door, so as it may open the other way, and, when open,
throw the Air along the other Wall.
8. A Room, that has no Fire in its Chimney, is sometimes
filled with Smoke, which is received at the Top of its Funnel,
and descends into the Room. In a former paper I have al-
ready explained the descending Currents of Air in cold
Funnels ; it may not be amiss, however, to repeat here, that
Funnels without Fires have an Effect, according to their
degree of Coldness or Warmth, on the Air that happens
to be contain'd in them. The surrounding Atmosphere is
frequently changing its Temperature ; but Stacks of Funnels,
cover'd from Winds and Sun by the House that contains
them, retain a more equal Temperature. If after a warm
Season, the outward Air suddenly grows cold, the empty
warm Funnels begin to draw strongly upward ; that is, they
rarefy the Air contain'd in them, which of course rises, cooler
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 431
Air enters below to supply its place, is rarefied in its turn,
and rises; and this Operation continues till the Funnel
grows cooler, or the outward Air warmer, or both, when the
Motion ceases. On the other Hand, if after a cold Season,
the outward Air suddenly grows warm and of course lighter,
the Air contain'd in the cool Funnels, being heavier, descends
into the Room ; and the warmer Air which enters their Tops,
being cool'd in its turn and made heavier, continues to descend ;
and this Operation goes on, till the Funnels are warmed by
the Passing of warm Air thro' them, or the Air itself grows
cooler. When the Temperature of the Air and of the Funnels
is nearly equal, the difference of Warmth in the Air between
Day and Night is sufficient to produce these Currents, the
Air will begin to ascend the Funnels as the Cool of the Evening
comes on, and this Current will continue till perhaps 9 or 10
o'clock the next Morning, when it begins to hesitate; and
as the heat of the Day approaches, it sets downwards, and
continues so till towards Evening, when it again hesitates
for some time, and then goes upwards constantly during
the Night, as before mentioned. Now when Smoke issuing
from the Tops of neighbouring Funnels passes over the Tops
of Funnels, which are at the Time drawing downwards, as
they often are in the Middle part of the Day, such Smoke
is of necessity drawn into these Funnels, and descends with
the Air into the Chamber.
The remedy is to have a Sliding Plate, hereafter describ'd,
that will shut perfectly the offending Funnel.
9. Chimneys, which generally draw well, do nevertheless
sometimes give Smoke into the Rooms, it being driven down
by strong Winds passing over the Tops oj their Funnels, tho*
not descending from any commanding Eminence. This Case
432 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
is most frequent where the Funnel is short, and the Opening
turn'd from the Wind. It is the more grievous, when it
happens to be a cold Wind that produces the Effect, because
when you most want your Fire, you are sometimes oblig'd
to extinguish it. To understand this, it may be consider'd
that the rising light Air, to obtain a free Issue from the Funnel,
must push out of its Way or oblige the Air that is over it to
rise. In a time of Calm or of little Wind this is done visibly,
for we see the Smoke that is brought up by that Air rise in a
Column above the Chimney. But when a violent Current
of Air, that is, a strong Wind, passes over the Top of a Chim-
ney, its Particles have received so much Force, which keeps
them in a horizontal Direction, and follow each other so
rapidly, that the rising light Air has not Strength sufficient
to oblige them to quit that Direction and move upwards to
permit its Issue. Add to this, that some of the Current pass-
ing over that Side of the Funnel which it first meets with,
viz. at Ay (Plate, Fig. 5,) having been compress'd by the
Resistance of the Funnel, may expand itself over the Flue,
and strike the interior opposite Side at By from whence it
may be reflected downwards and from Side to Side in the
Direction of the prickt Line c c c.
Remedies. In some Places, particularly in Venice, where
they have not Stacks of Chimneys but single Flues, the Cus-
tom is, to open or widen the Top of the Flue, rounding in
the true Form of a Funnel ; (Plate, Fig. 6 ;) which some think
may prevent the Effect just mentioned, for that the Wind
blowing over one of the Edges into the Funnel, may be slanted
out again on the other Side by its Form. I have had no
Experience of this; but I have lived in a Windy Country,
where the contrary is practised, the Tops of the Flues being
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 433
narrow'd inwards, so as to form a Slit for the Issue of the
Smoke, long as the Breadth of the Funnel, and only 4 Inches
wide. This seems to have been contriv'd on a Supposition,
that the Entry of the Wind would thereby be obstructed;
and perhaps it might have been imagined, that the whole
Force of the rising warm Air being condensed, as it were, in
the narrow Opening, would thereby be strengthen'd, so as
to overcome the Resistance of the Wind. This however did
not always succeed ; for when the Wind was at NorthEast,
and blew fresh, the Smoke was forc'd down by Fits into the
Room I commonly sat in, so as to oblige me to shift the Fire
into another. The Position of the Slit of this Funnel was
indeed N. E* and S. W*. Perhaps if it had lain across the
Wind, the Effect might have been different. But on this I
can give no Certainty. It seems a matter proper to be re-
ferr'd to Experiment. Possibly a Turncap might have been
serviceable, but it was not tried.
Chimneys have not been long in Use in England. I re-
member to have formerly read in some very old book, which
remark'd the then modern Improvements of living, and men-
tioned, among others, the Convenience of Chimneys. "Our
ForeFathers," said the Author, "had no Chimneys. There
was in each DwellingHouse only one Place for a Fire, and the
Smoke went out thro* a Hole in the Roof; but now there is
scarce a Gentleman's House in England that has not at
least one Chimney in it." When there was but one Chim-
ney, its Top might then be open'd as a Funnel, and perhaps,
borrowing the Form from the Venetians, it was then the Flue
of a Chimney got that name. Such is now the Growth of
Luxury, that in both England and France we must have
a Chimney for every Room, and in some Houses every
VOL. IX — 2 F
434 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Possessor of a Chamber, and almost every Servant, will have
a Fire ; so that the Flues being necessarily built in Stacks, the
opening of each as a Funnel is impracticable. This Change
of Manners soon consumed the Firewood of England, and
will soon render Fuel extreamly scarce and dear in France,
if the Use of Coals be not introduced in that latter kingdom
as it has been in the former, where it at first met with Opposi-
tion; for there is extant in the Records of one of Queen
Elizabeth's Parliaments, a Motion made by a Member,
reciting, "That many Dyers, Brewers, Smiths, and other
Artificers of London, had of late taken to the Use of Pitcoal
for their Fires, instead of Wood, which fill'd the Air with
noxious Vapours and Smoke, very prejudicial to the Health,
particularly of Persons coming out of the Country;" and
therefore moving, "that a Law might pass to prohibit the
Use of such Fuel (at least during the Session of Parliament)
by those Artificers." It seems it was not then commonly
us'd in private Houses. Its suppos'd Unwholesomeness was
an Objection. Luckily the Inhabitants of London have got
over that Objection, and now think it rather contributes to
render their Air salubrious, as they have had no general pes-
tilential Disorder since the general Use of Coals, when, be-
fore it, such were frequent. Paris still burns Wood at an
enormous Expence continually augmenting, the Inhabitants
having still that Prejudice to overcome. In Germany, you
are happy in the Use of Stoves, which save Fuel wonderfully :
Your People are very ingenious in the Management of Fire ;
but they may still learn something in that Art from the
Chinese, whose Country being greatly populous and fully
cultivated, has little room left for the growth of Wood, and,
having not much other Fuel that is good, they have been f orc'd
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 435
upon many Inventions, during a Course of Ages, for making
a little Fire go as far as possible.
I have thus gone thro' all the common Causes of the Smok-
ing of Chimneys, that I can at present recollect as having
fallen under my Observation ; communicating the Remedies
that I have known successfully used for the different Cases,
together with the Principles on which both the Disease and
the Remedy depend, and confessing my Ignorance wherever
I have been sensible of it. You will do well, if you publish,
as you propose, this Letter, to add in Notes, or as you please,
such Observations as may have occurr'd to your attentive
Mind ; and, if other Philosophers will do the same, this Part
of Science, tho' humble, yet of great Utility, may in time be
perfected. For many Years past, I have rarely met with a
Case of a Smoky Chimney, which has not been solvable on these
Principles, and cur'd by these Remedies, where People have
been willing to apply them ; which is indeed not always the
Case ; for many have Prejudices in favour of the Nostrums
of pretending Chimney Doctors and Fumists, and some have
Conceits and Fancies of their own, which they rather chuse
to try, than to lengthen a Funnel, alter the Size of an Open-
ing, or admit Air into a Room, however necessary ; for some
are as much afraid of fresh Air as persons in the Hydrophobia
are of fresh Water. I myself had formerly this Prejudice,
this Aerophobia, as I now account it ; and, dreading the sup-
pos'd dangerous Effects of cool Air, I considered it as an
Enemy, and clos'd with extreme care every Crevice in the
Rooms I inhabited.
Experience has convinced me of my Error. I now look
upon fresh Air as a Friend ; I even sleep with an open Win-
dow. I am persuaded, that no common Air from without
436 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
is so unwholesome, as the Air within a close Room, that
has been often breath'd and not changed. Moist Air, too,
which formerly I thought pernicious, gives me now no Appre-
hensions ; for, considering that no Dampness of Air apply 'd
to the Outside of my Skin can be equal to what is apply 'd
to and touches it within, my whole Body being full of Moisture,
and finding that I can lie two hours in a Bath twice a Week,
cover'd with Water, which certainly is much damper than
any Air can be, and this for Years together, without catch-
ing Cold, or being in any other manner disordered by it, I
no longer dread mere Moisture, either in Air or in Sheets or
Shirts : And I find it of Importance to the Happiness of Life,
the being freed from vain Terrors, especially of objects that
we are every day expos'd inevitably to meet with. You
Physicians have of late happily disco ver'd, after a contrary
Opinion had prevaiPd some Ages, that fresh and cool Air does
good to Persons in the SmallPox and other Fevers. It is to
be hop'd, that in another Century or two we may all find out,
that it is not bad even for People in Health. And as to
moist Air, here I am at this present Writing in a Ship with
above 40 Persons, who have had no other but moist Air to
breathe for 6 Weeks past ; every thing we touch is damp,
and nothing dries, yet we are all as healthy as we should be
on the Mountains of Switzerland, whose Inhabitants are not
more so than those of Bermuda or St. Helena, Islands on
whose Rocks the Waves are dash'd into Millions of Particles,
which fill the Air with Damp, but produce no Diseases, the
Moisture being pure, unmix'd with the poisonous Vapours
arising from putrid Marshes and stagnant Pools, in which
many Insects die and corrupt the Water. These Places
only, in my Opinion (which however I submit to yours,)
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 437
afford unwholsome Air; and that it is not the mere Water
contained in damp Air, but the volatile Particles of corrupted
animal Matter mix'd with that Water, which renders such
Air pernicious to those who breathe it. And I imagine it
a Cause of the same kind that renders the Air in close Rooms,
where the perspirable Matter is breath'd over and over again
by a number of assembled People, so hurtful to Health.
After being in such a Situation, many find themselves affected
by that Febricula, which the English alone call a Cold, and,
perhaps from the Name, imagine that they caught the malady
by going out of the Room, when it was in fact by being in it.
You begin to think, that I wander from my Subject, and
go out of my Depth. So I return again to my Chimneys.
We have of late many Lecturers in Experimental Philosophy.
I have wish'd that some of them would study this Branch of
that Science, and give Experiments in it as a Part of their
Lectures. The addition to their present Apparatus need
not be very expensive. A number of little Representations
of Rooms compos'd each of 5 Panes of Sash Glass, fram'd
in Wood at the Corners, with proportionable Doors, and
moveable Glass Chimneys, with Openings of different Sizes,
and different Lengths of Funnel, and some of the Rooms so
contriv'd as to communicate on occasion with others, so as
to form different Combinations, and exemplify different
Cases; with quantities of green Wax Taper cut into Pieces
of an Inch and half, 16 of which stuck together in a Square,
and lit, would make a strong Fire for a little Glass Chimney,
and blown out would continue to burn and give Smoke as
long as desired. With such an Apparatus all the Operations
of Smoke and rarify'd Air in Rooms and Chimneys might be
seen thro' their transparent Sides; and the Effect of Winds
438 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
on Chimneys, commanded or otherwise, might be shown
by letting the entring air blow upon them thro' an opened
Window of the Lecturer's Chamber, where it would be con-
stant while he kept a good Fire in his Chimney. By the help
of such Lectures our Fumists would become better instructed.
At present they have generally but one Remedy, which per-
haps they have known effectual in some one Case of Smoky
Chimneys, and they apply that indiscriminately to all the
other Cases, without success, — but not without Expence
to their Employers.
With all the Science, however, that a man shall suppose
himself possess'd of in this Article, he may sometimes meet
with Cases that shall puzzle him. I once lodg'd in a house
at London, which, in a little Room, had a single Chimney
and Funnel. The Opening was very small, yet it did not
keep in the Smoke, and all Attempts to have a Fire in this
room were fruitless. I could not imagine the Reason, till
at length observing that the Chamber over it, which had no
Fireplace in it, was always filled with Smoke when a Fire
was kindled below, and that the Smoke came thro' the Cracks
and Crevices of the Wainscot, I had the Wainscot taken down,
and discover'd that the Funnel, which went up behind it,
had a Crack many feet in Length, and wide enough to admit
my Arm, a Breach very dangerous with regard to Fire, and
occasion'd probably by an apparent irregular Settling of one
Side of the House. The Air entring this Breach freely,
destroy'd the drawing Force of the Funnel. The Remedy
would have been, filling up the Breach, or rather rebuilding
the Funnel; but the Landlord rather chose to stop up the
Chimney.
Another puzzling Case I met with at a Friend's Country
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 439
House near London. His best Room had a Chimney, in
which he told me he never could have a Fire, for all the Smoke
came out into the Room. I flatter'd myself I could easily
find the Cause, and prescribe the Cure. I had a Fire made
there, and found it as he said. I opened the Door, and per-
ceived it was not want of Air. I made a temporary Contraction
of the Opening of the Chimney, and found that it was not
its being too large, that caus'd the Smoke to issue. I went out
and look'd up at the Top of the Chimney ; its Funnel was
join'd in the same Stack with others, some of them shorter,
that drew very well, and I saw nothing to prevent its doing
the same. In fine, after every other Examination I could
think of, I was oblig'd to own the Insufficiency of my Skill.
But my friend, who made no Pretension to such kind of
Knowledge, afterwards discover'd the Cause himself. He
got to the Top of the Funnel by a Ladder, and looking down,
found it filled with Twiggs and Straw cemented by Earth,
and lin'd with Feathers. It seems the House, after being
built, had stood empty some Years before he occupy'd it;
and he concluded, that some large Birds had taken the Ad-
vantage of its retired Situation to make their Nest there.
The Rubbish, considerable in Quantity, being removed, and
the Funnel cleared, the Chimney drew well, and gave Satis-
faction.
In general, Smoke is a very tractable Thing, easily governed
and directed when one knows the Principles, and is well
informed of the Circumstances. You know I made it descend
in my Pennsylvania Stove. I formerly had a more simple
Construction, in which the same Effect was produc'd, but
visible to the eye (Plate, Figure 7). It was compos'd of two
plates, A B and C D, plac'd as in the figure. The lower
440 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
plate A By rested with its Edge in the Angle made by the
Hearth with the Back of the Chimney. The upper Plate was
fix'd to the Breast, and lapt over the lower about 6 Inches,
leaving a space of 4 Inches wide and the length of the Plates
(near 2 feet) between them. Every other Passage of Air
into the Funnel was well stopt. When therefore a Fire was
made at E, for the first time with Charcoal, till the Air in
the Funnel was a little heated throj the Plates, and then Wood
laid on, the Smoke would rise to A, turn over the Edge of
that Plate, descend to D, then turn under the Edge of the
upper Plate, and go up the Chimney. It was pretty to see,
but of no great Use. Placing therefore the under Plate in a
higher Situation, I remov'd the upper plate C D, and placed
it perpendicularly (Plate, Fig. 8), so that the upper Edge of
the lower Plate A B came within about 3 Inches of it, and
might be push'd further from it, or suffered to come nearer
to it, by a moveable Wedge between them. The Flame then
ascending from the Fire at E, was carried to strike the upper
Plate, made it very hot, and its Heat rose and spread with the
rarefied Air into the Room.
I believe you have seen in use with me the Contrivance
of a Sliding Plate over the Fire, seemingly plac'd to oppose
the rising of the Smoke, leaving but a small Passage for it,
between the Edge of the Plate and the Back of the Chimney.
It is particularly describ'd, and its Uses explained, in my
former printed Letter, and I mention it here only as another
instance of the Tractability of Smoke.
What is called the Staffordshire Chimney, affords an
Example of the same kind. The Opening of the Chimney
is brick'd up even with the Fore Edge of its Jambs,
leaving open only a Passage over the Grate of the same
1785] CAUSES AND CURE OF SMOKY CHIMNEYS 441
width, and perhaps 8 Inches high. The Grate consists
of semicircular Bars, their upper Bar of the greatest Diame-
ter, the others under it smaller and smaller, so that it has
the Appearance of half a round Basket. It is, with the
Coals it contains, wholly without the Wall that shuts up
the Chimney, yet the Smoke bends and enters the Passage
above it, the Draft being strong, because no Air can enter that
is not obliged to pass near or through the Fire, so that all
that the Funnel is filFd with is much heated, and of course
much rarefied.
Much more of the Prosperity of a Winter Country depends
on the Plenty and Cheapness of Fuel, than is generally
imagined. In Travelling I have observed, that in those Parts
where the Inhabitants can have neither Wood, nor Coal, nor
Turf, but at excessive Prices, the Working People live in
miserable Hovels, are ragged, and have nothing comfortable
about them. But when Fuel is cheap (or where they have the
Art of managing it to Advantage), they are well furnish'd with
Necessaries, and have decent Habitations. The obvious
Reason is, that the Working Hours of such People are the
profitable Hours, and they who cannot afford sufficient Fuel
have fewer such Hours in the 24, than those who have it cheap
and plenty: For much of the domestic Work of poor
Women, such as Spinning, Sewing, Knitting; and of the
Men, in those Manufactures that require little bodily
Exercise, cannot well be perform' d where the Fingers are
numb'd with Cold. Those People, therefore, in cold
Weather, are induc'd to go to bed sooner, and lie longer in
a Morning, than they would do, if they could have good
Fires or warm Stoves to sit by ; and their Hours of Work
are not sufficient to produce the Means of Comfortable
442 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
Subsistence. Those public Works, therefore, such as Roads,
Canals, &c., by which Fuel may be brought cheap into
such Countries from distant Places, are of great Utility;
and those who promote them may be reckoned among the
Benefactors of Mankind.
I have great Pleasure in having thus comply 'd with
your Request, and in the Reflection, that the Friendship
you honour me with, and in which I have ever been so
happy, has continued so many Years without the smallest
Interruption. Our Distance from each other is now aug-
mented, and Nature must soon put an End to the possibility
of my continuing our Correspondence ; but, if Consciousness
and Memory remain in a future State, my Esteem and
Respect for you, my dear Friend, will be everlasting.
B. FRANKLIN.
Notes to the Letter upon Chimneys
No. I
The latest work on architecture, that I have seen, is that
entitled Nutshells, which appears to be written by a very
ingenious man, and contains a table of the proportions of
the openings of chimneys; but they relate solely to the pro-
portions he gives his rooms, without the smallest regard to
the funnels. And he remarks, respecting those proportions,
that they are similar to the harmonic divisions of a mono-
chord.1 He does not indeed lay much stress on this; but it
1 " It may be just remarked here, that upon comparing these proportions
with those arising from the common divisions of the monochord, it happens,
that the first answers to unisons ; and, although the second is a discord, the
third answers to the third minor, the fourth to the third major, the fifth to the
fourth, the sixth to the fifth, and the seventh to the octave." — Nutshells, page
85. — ED.
1785] DESCRIPTION OF A NEW STOVE 443
shows that we like the appearance of principles ; and where
we have not true ones, we have some satisfaction in produc-
ing such as are imaginary.
No. II
The description of the sliding plates here promised, and
which have been since brought into use under various names,
with some immaterial changes, is contained in a former
letter to James Bowdoin.
1599. DESCRIPTION OF A NEW STOVE FOR
BURNING OF PITCOAL, AND CONSUMING
ALL ITS SMOKE.1
TOWARDS the end of the last century an ingenious French
philosopher, whose name I am sorry I cannot recollect, ex-
hibited an experiment to show that very offensive things
might be burnt in the middle of a chamber, such as woollen
rags, feathers, &c., without creating the least smoke or
smell. The machine in which the experiment was made,
if I remember right, was of this form, (Plate XV. Fig. i,)
made of plate iron. Some clear burning charcoals were put
into the opening of the short tube A, and supported there
by the grate B. The air, as soon as the tubes grew warm,
would ascend in the longer leg C and go out at D, conse-
quently air must enter at A descending to B. In this course
it must be heated by the burning coals through which it
passed, and rise more forcibly in the longer tube, in propor-
1 From Transactions of The American Philosophical Society (Old Series)
II : 57. It was read at a meeting of the Society, January 28, 1786. — ED.
444 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
tion to its degree of heat or rarefaction, and length of that
tube. For such a machine is a kind of inverted syphon;
and, as the greater weight of water in the longer leg of a
common syphon in descending is accompanied by an ascent
of the same fluid in the shorter; so, in this inverted syphon,
the greater quantity of levity of air in the longer leg, in rising
is accompanied by the descent of air in the shorter. The
things to be burned being laid on the hot coals at A, the
smoke must descend through those coals, and be converted
into flame, which, after destroying the offensive smell, came
out at the end of the longer tube as mere heated air.
Whoever would repeat this experiment with success, must
take care that the part A B, of the short tube, be quite full of
burning coals, so that no part of the smoke may descend and
pass by them without going through them, and being con-
verted into flame; and that the longer tube be so heated as
that the current of ascending hot air is established in it
before the things to be burnt are laid on the coals ; otherwise
there will be a disappointment.
It does not appear, either in the Memoirs of the Academy
of Sciences, or Philosophical Transactions of the English
Royal Society, that any improvement was ever made of this
ingenious experiment, by applying it to uesful purposes.
But there is a German book, entitled Vulcanus Famulans,
by John George Leutmann, P. D., printed at Wirtemberg,
in 1723, which describes, among a great variety of other
stoves for warming rooms, one, which seems to have been
formed on the same principle, and probably from the hint
thereby given, though the French experiment is not men-
tioned. This book being scarce, I have translated the
chapter describing the stove, viz.
PU
t
I
1785] DESCRIPTION OF A NEW STOVE 445
"CHAP. VII.
11 On a stove, which draws downwards.
"Here follows the description of a sort of stove, which
can easily be removed, and again replaced at pleasure. This
drives the fire down under itself, and gives no smoke, but,
however, a very unwholesome vapour.
"In the figure, A is an iron vessel like a funnel, (Plate
XV. Fig. 20,) in diameter at the top about twelve inches, at
the bottom near the grate about five inches; its height
twelve inches. This is set on the barrel C, which is ten
inches diameter and two feet long, closed at each end E E.
From one end rises a pipe or flue about four inches diameter,
on which other pieces of pipe are set, which are gradually
contracted to Z>, where the opening is but about two inches.
Those pipes must together be at least four feet high. B is
an iron grate. F F are iron handles guarded with wood,
by which the stove is to be lifted and moved. It stands on
three legs. Care must be taken to stop well all the joints,
that no smoke may leak through.
" When this stove is to be used, it must first be carried into
the kitchen and placed in the chimney near the fire. There
burning wood must be laid and left upon its grate till the
barrel C is warm, and the smoke no longer rises at A, but
descends towards C. Then it is to be carried into the room
which it is to warm. When once the barrel C is warm, fresh
wood may be thrown into the vessel A as often as one pleases,
the flame descends and without smoke, which is so consumed
that only a vapour passes out at D.
"As this vapour is unwholesome, and affects the head,
one may be freed from it, by fixing in the wall of the room
446 THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1785
an inverted funnel, such as people use to hang over lamps,
through which their smoke goes out as through a chimney.
This funnel carries out all the vapour cleverly, so that one
finds no inconvenience from it, even though the opening D
be placed a span below the mouth of the said funnel G. The
neck of the funnel is better when made gradually bending,
than if turned in a right angle.
"The cause of the draft downwards in the stove is the
pressure of the outward air, which, falling into the vessel
A in a column of twelve inches diameter, finds only a resist-
ing passage at the grate B, of five inches, and one at Z), of
two inches, which are much too weak to drive it back again ;
besides, A stands much higher than B, and so the pressure
on it is greater and more forcible, and beats 
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